Gülevi Safranbolu’nun Vejeteryan Menüsü

IMG_1083

İbrahim Canbulat

©GüleviSafranbolu

Geçende ülkemizin önde gelen Yoga Eğitmeni Sayın İpek Darga ve öğrencilerine ev sahipliği yaptık. Gruba 5 gün boyunca öğle ve akşam yemeklerinde toplam 7 farklı vejetaryen yemek sunduk. Mutfakta bana Zeynep Siyahhan ve Özge Işıldak yardımcı oldu. Öncelikle menüyü sizlerle paylaşmak istiyorum:

Yoga GrubuYemekDüzeni (Öneri)

Menüde bitkisel protein ve karbonhidrat dengesini göz önünde bulundurduk. Batı Karadeniz Bölgesinin florla zenginliği nedeniyle malzeme sağlamak sorun olmayacaktı. Özellikle kaplıca (siyes) bulguru ve Safranbolu safranı mutfağımıza şaşırtıcı renk ve zenginlik getirecekti. Öte yandan Yenice vejetaryenden öte oldukça zengin bir vegan mutfağına sahipti. İşimiz kolay olacaktı. Konuklarımızın arasında bir de vegan vardı. Çok anlayışlı bir vegan olduğunu belirtip hemen kendisine teşekkür etmek isterim. Bu nedenle her menüde en az bir vegan yemek bulundurmaya özen gösterdik. Batı Karadeniz Bölgesi (Paflagonya) mutfağından Cevizli Yayım, Ekşili Pilav, Kaplıca Aşı, Uzun Bakla Dürümü, Safranlı Pilav, Cevizli Ot Kavurması, Arpa Göcesi Çorbası, Peruhi yaptık. Anadolu mutfağının olmazsa olmaz zeytinyağlılarını pişirdik ve sunduk. Levant Mutfağından Tabbouleh, Tahini sosla Falafel sofralarda yer aldı. Fransız mutfağından Ratatouille ve İtalyan mutfağından Mantarlı Tagliatelle özellikle menüye alındı. Tagliatelle için mevsim uygun olmadığından Küre Dağlarından Prochini (Çörek Mantarı) toplayamadık ama bir ilk bahar mantarı olan ve börek mantarı olarak bilinen Cincile’yi kullandık. Bir Arap köylü yemeği olan Mujaddara ve Hint yemeği Masoor Dal çok sayıda baharatla tatlandırıldı ve güveçte pişirildi. Tüm malzemeler bir gün önce pazardan taze taze alındı. Yoğurdun süzülmesi, smetana ya da ricottanın yapılması, hububat ve bakliyatın önceden suya yatırılması dışında tüm öğünler yaklaşık 4 saat içinde hazırlandı ve pişirildi.

Vejetaryen mutfağının en zor tarafı kanımca yemekleri lezzetlendirmek, çeşnilendirmektir (flovour). Bunun için kesinlikle mutfakta her zaman kullanıma hazır sebze suyunuz bulunmalıdır. En basit tarifiyle sebze suyunu şöyle hazırlıyorum: Malzemesi 2-3 çorba kaşığı sıvı yağ (ben “Riviera” zeytinyağı kullanıyorum), 3 orta boy soğan, 2 dal kereviz yaprağı, 2 orta boy havuç, bir kaç diş sarımsak, 10 kadar tane karabiber, 2 defne yaprağı, 8 bardak (2 lt) su ve ayrıca isteğe bağlı 1 kaşık domates salçası ve 2 çorba kaşığı soya sosu. Tencerenin dibini örtecek kadar sıvı yağını ısıtın ve soğandan başlayarak sebzeleri hafifçe kavurun, karabiber, defne yaprakları ve suyu ekleyerek kaynatın. Pişirme süresi için kesin bir şey söyleyemiyorum. Sebzeler ne kadar küçük doğranmış ve süre ne kadar uzun tutulmuşsa o kadar zengin bir sebze suyu elde edeceksiniz. Ateşinizi ancak tencereyitıkırdatacak kadar kısın ve unutun. Paylaştığım reçetelerde hemen hemen tüm “su”yu sebze suyu olarak okuyunuz.

Her zaman süzme yoğurdunu kendimiz yapıyoruz. Akşamdan, bir kevgirin üzerine sereceğiniz temiz bir bezin üzerine bulabildiğiniz en iyi kaymaksız yoğurdu dökün, kevgiri süzülen suyu alacak hacimde bir küvetin üzerine oturtun ve serin bir yerde bırakın. Sabah yoğurdu bir kapaklı kaba alıp soğutucunuza yerleştirin.

İpek Darga ve öğrencileriyle birlikte dolu dolu beş gün geçirdik. Ümit ediyorum pişirdiğimiz ve sunduğumuz yemeklerle mutlu oldular. Yalnız benim mutsuz olmama (!) neden, inanamayacağınız kadar az yemeleri oldu. Günler geçtikçe porsiyonları azaltmamıza karşın her keresinde yarısı geri döndü.

Aşağıda sizlerle 9 reçetemizi paylaşıyorum. Görselleri de var. Reçeteler için Apple Numbers’da bulunan Recipe formatını kullanıyorum. Sol kolonda çalıştığım özgün reçetenin malzeme miktarını sağ kolonda ise 12 kişilik miktarı göreceksiniz. Eğer yogacılar için yapacaksanız -bilesiniz- yarısı yetecektir(!)

Afiyet olsun.

 

TabboulehMujaddaraMujaddaraMarul Yaprağında Akdeniz SalatasıMarul Yaprağında Akdeniz SalatasıYeşillik ÇorbasıYeşillik ÇorbasıKabak MüjveriKabak MüjveriEkşili PilavEkşili PilavArpa Göcesi ÇorbasıUzun BaklaOt Kavurma

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Kültür Tarihi Yazımı ve Fasulyenin Nimeti

İbrahim Canbulat, Y. Mimar

Uzun Bakla (Bean Stew with Butter Sauce)

Uzun Bakla (Bean Stew with Butter Sauce)

Bugünlerde yoğun bir şekilde Safranbolu Şehir Mutfağı üzerinde İran yemek kültürünün etkilerini araştırıyorum. Bu cümleden olarak Türk kültür tarihini de ayrıntılı bir şekilde çalışmam gerekti. Prof. Dr. Bahaeddin Ögel’in Türk Kültür Tarihine Giriş kitabının 2. (Türklerde Ziraat Kültürü) ve 5. ( Türklerde Yemek Kültürü) ciltlerini (1 okuyorum. Bu yazı genel bir değerlendirme yazısı olmamakla birlikte, öncelikle kitabın fazlasıyla “Türkçü” bir yaklaşımla yazıldığı şeklindeki algımı paylaşmak isterim.
En çok takıldığım konu ise “Fasulya, yani (Phaseolus vulgaris) Türkler tarafından eskiden beri biliniyordu. Türkler fasulya, bezelye, bakla gibi bitkilerin hepsine birden, burçak veya börülce derlerdi.” cümleleri (2 oldu. Evet, bakla (Vicia faba) ve bezelye (Pisum sativum) eski dünya bitkileriydi ama fasulye (Phaseolus vulgaris) yeni dünya kaynaklı bir bitkiydi. Eski dünya, bu bitkiyi en erken Colomb’un keşifleri sonrası tanımış olabilirdi. Ögel, bölümün devamında Türklerin baklagillerin hepsine birden önce burçak daha sonra börülce dediklerini, “fasulya” sözcüğünün ise Türkçeye çok sonraları girdiğini belirtmektedir. Ve bölümü “Anadolu’daki Türk kültürünün bu incelik ve derinliğini, diğer Türk kültür çevrelerinde görebilmek, çok zordur” cümlesiyle sonlandırmaktadır.
Benim amacım bu yazıyla zaten apaçık ortada olan bir yanlışlığı bir kez daha yanlışlamak değil, alışılagelmiş akademik araştırma ve tarih yazımı konusundaki zaafiyeti gözler önüne sermektir. Gerçekte Ögel, Çin kaynaklarını okuyarak Türk kültür tarihine önemli katkılar sağlamış olmakla birlikte yalnızca ulaşabildiği belge niteliğindeki yazılı kaynakları interdisipliner bakış açısı getirmeksizin derlemesi nedeniyle de böyle önemli bir hataya neden olmuştur. Anlaşılan o ki 20. yüzyıldan gerilere bakıp, bir bakliyat grubu adı olan burçak’a fasulyeyi de katarak geçmişe doğru zamanda bir yolculuğa çıkarılmıştı.

Aynı bağlamda Tezcan, (2000, s. 27) (3 daha da öte “Örneğin Hititler fasulyeyi biliyordu” demekle birlikte, Eyüboğlu’na (1981, s. 127) dayanarak “…bugün Anadolu’da kullanılan yiyecekleri adlarının Asya Türkçe’sinde bulunmadığı”nı da   belirtilmektedir. (4 Çelişkiyi o da görememiştir.

Belge, (2008, s. 36) konuya açıklık getirmiştir. (5 Belge, “Bugün belki en popüler baklagil olan fasulya (gene fava’dan türeyen phaseolus) öteki cinslere oranla daha geç yetişmiş ve ulusal mönülerdeki sağlam yerini sonradan almıştır. Bu gecikmenin nedeni, şimdi yediğimiz cinslerinin anayurdunun Amerika olmasıdır.” demektedir.

Aynı bağlamdan olarak günümüz araştırmacılarının Türk mutfak kültürü tarihi üzerine yayınlarının izini sürmeye başladığımda yanlışlığın -hemen hiç sorgulanmadan- bugüne kadar yinelenmekte olduğunu gördüm. Kızıldemir vd. (2014, s. 193), (6 değerli dostum Deniz Gürsoy (2005)’a (7 dayanarak “Türklerin ‘burçak’ diye adlandırdığı ve batıya göç ettikleri vakit börülce olarak ismini alan baklagiller arasında bakla, fasulye, bezelye, mercimek ve nohut bulunmaktadır” (8 demektedir. Kaynak olarak verdiği ve üç denemeden oluşan bölümün içinde bu alıntıyı bulamadım. Alıntı büyük olasılıkla (Gürsoy 2004)’den olmalıydı.(9 (Gürsoy, 2004, s. 74)de “Türkler Orta Asya’dayken” başlıklı bölümde şöyle denmektedir: “Baklagiller de ayrı bir grup olarak karşımıza çıkar. Türkler bakla, bezelye gibi bitkilerin hepsine ‘burçak’ diyorlardı. Hayli eski dönemlerden beri bilinen bu bitkiler Çin’e de Orta Asya’dan geçmiştir. Çinliler bunlara ‘hu-tou’ (Batılı barbarların fasulyesi) adını vermişlerdi. Türkler batıya göçtüklerinde adlar da değişmiş, önce Arapça lubya, sonra Türkçe ‘börülce’ denmiştir.” Bu alıntıda hiç bir şekilde bugün “fasulye” olarak adlandırdığımız baklagil ile ilgili bir gönderme bulunmamaktadır.

Mariana Yerasimos, (2007, s. 179) (10 “…daha geç dönemde Güney Amerika’dan gelen yeşil biber, fasulye ve domatesi Türkler çok çabuk benimsemediler” demektedir. Gerçekten de aynı kitapta Osmanlı mutfağına Mehmet Kamil ve Turabi Efendi’den alınan yeşil fasulye müjveri ve Nedim bin Tosun’dan alınan “zeytinyağlı kuru fasulye” ancak 19. yüzyıla tarihlendirilmektedir. (Yerasimos, M. 2007, s. 187).

Safranbolu’da taze fasulyenin adı “Uzun Bakla”dır. Bu halkın tanımadığı bir sebzeyi, eskiden beri bildiği baklaya benzeterek isimlendirdiğini göstermektedir. Osmanlı mutfağında ancak 19. yüzyılda kayıtlara giren fasulyenin Safranbolu’ya 19., bilemediniz erken, erken 18. yüzyılda girebilmiş olduğunu düşünüyorum. Ancak, sonradan tanıdığı ve tören sofralarına dahi eklediği bamyada olduğu gibi (11 fasulyeyi de önemsemiş olduğuna inanıyorum. “Fasulye gibi nimetten” sözü boşuna söylenmiş olamaz. Safranbolu mutfağında uzun baklanın önemli bir yeri vardır. Anlatanların gözleri aydınlanır. Hiç bir malzeme eklenmeksizin yalnızca haşlanır, tereyağı sos gezdirilir ve kuru soğanla yenir. Doğaldır ki bölgenin yemeklik yağı, tereyağıdır. Bu yalın pişirme yönteminden dolayı ben, fasulyenin bölgeye bir yemek olarak değil önce bir malzeme olarak ulaştığını düşünüyorum.

Bu pişirme şekliyle ben uzun baklayı kuşkonmaza benzetirim. Hatta Hollandez sosla denedim, çok lezzetli oldu. Köylerde yufka ekmeğiyle dürüm yaparlar. Adı “Çullu Bakla” olur. İnanılmaz bir lezzettir.

Aşağıda reçetesini paylaşıyorum.

Afiyet olsun.

Notlar:

1.) Ögel, B. (1985) Türk Kültür Tarihine Giriş, Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı Yayınları, Ankara.

2.) Ögel 1985 c. 2 s. 261.

3.) Tezcan, M. (2000) Türk Yemek Antolojisi Yazıları, TC Kültür Bakanlığı, Ankara.

4.) Eyüboğlu, İ. Z. (1981) Anadolu Uygarlığı, Der Yayınları, İstanbul.

5.) Belge, M. (2008) Tarih Boyunca Yemek Kültürü, İletişim, İstanbul.

6.) Kızıldemir, Ö. vd. (2014) “Türk Mutfak Kültürünün Tarihsel Gelişiminde Yaşanan Değişimler” AİBÜ Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi, 2014, c. 14, s. 3.

7.) Gürsoy, D. (2005) “Denemeler” Türk Mutfak Kültürü Üzerine Araştırmalar, c. 12, der. K. Toygar ve N. B. Toygar, THKATV, Ankara, ss. 383-390.

8.) Tırnak içindeki, kaynaktan olduğu gibi alıntılandı.

9.) Gürsoy, D (2004) Tarihin Süzgecinde Mutfak Kültürümüz, Oğlak, İstanbul.

10.) Yerasimos, M. (2007) 500 Yıllık Osmanlı Mutfağı, Boyut, İstanbul.

11.) Başka bir yazı konusu olacak.

Çullu Bakla (4 Kişilik)

Malzemeler:

Ingredient Amount
Safranbolu Taze Şeker Fasulyesi

500

g
Su

1

L
Tuz

1/2

tbsp
Tereyağı

2

tbsp
Kuru Soğan

1

—-
Yufka Ekmeği

4

—-

Yapılışı:

1.) Bir tencerede suyu kaynatın ve tuzu ekleyin.
2.) Fasulyelerin gövdeye bağlantığı uçlarındaki sert bölgeyi ayıklayın. Diğer ucu ayıklamanıza gerek yok. Ayrıca dilimlemeyiniz.
3.) Fasulyeleri 5-7 dakika kaynatın, bir süzgeçte süzün ve soğuk suyla şoklayın ki rengini ve dokusunu koruyabilesiniz. Ben buharda pişirmeyi tercih ediyorum.
4.) Soğanı ayıklayınız ve hilal doğrayınız.
5.) Bir tavada tereyağını fazla yakmadan eritiniz.
6.) Yufkaları teker teker bir tezğah üzerine açınız, fasulyeleri deste olarak ortalarına yerleştiriniz. Üzerine tereyağı sosounu gezdirip, soğanları seriniz.
7.) Tuzunu -isterseniz karabiberini- ayarlayıp dürüm yapınız.

Paphlagonian Culinary Culture

by İbrahim Canbulat, M. Arch

İncir Uyutması

İncir Uyutması (Fig Desert)

The 3rd leg of the Traditional Foods Festival promoted by the UNESCO Turkey National Commission was held in Safranbolu in 2008 and I served as a member of the steering committee during the preparation works that started in November 2007 and lasted until March of 2008. I was the moderator of the first three of a series of “Keşkek Festivals” (a dish of lamb or chicken and coarsely ground wheat) (the Bulak Keşkek Festival, Yenice Aşı and Eflâni Bandırma Festival) organized with the aim of scanning the culinary culture of Karabük that has recently become a province and support the activities of the NGOs. I conducted numerous oral history interviews to determine the contents and form of the cuisine presentation of Karabük, the host of the festival. Karabük Sofrası dinner we designed at the end of this approximately 7-month long research work was offered to our guests. I also worked on determining the 5 Paphlagonian cities, participants of the Festival, and their menus. In addition to Karabük, the cities in question were Bartın, Kastamonu, Çankırı and Bolu. Both the menu preparation and the presentation process made it clear that the region had a specific cuisine. I gained important information regarding the culinary culture of the region as a result of field surveys, trips and literature search that followed and for some time now I have been preparing and offering our guests Paphlagonian dishes.
Finding written sources regarding the local history becomes a major problem as one gets further away from the capital. This shortage is experienced in all research regarding local history regardless of the discipline involved. The same problem is true for research regarding culinary culture. In this study, culinary culture itself has been regarded as a document and some inferences regarding the life of the different social strata and uses of space in the past have been made. Therefore, being speculative from time to time was inevitable. With your contributions we may be able to confirm or negate some of the arguments I will put forth, and attain more accurate results. Therefore, please accept my methodology with tolerance.
I must point out that although essentially local culinary culture has a very strong backbone, it has a very dynamic structure that is open to change and influence. Culinary culture that is an inseparable part of social life contains important divergences between different ethnic communities and strata. Local food by its very nature makes use of local products. And again by its very nature local products are the result of the geographical properties of region. However, looking into the time dimension shows that culinary culture reflects the history of the community but at the same time it contains very important indicators that have undergone a very slow change over time. We must also add to this the spirit of the relevant period. The saying “Tell me what you eat, I will tell you who you are” is a very good example for this. Therefore, we must dwell shortly on the geographical and historical characteristics of Paphlagonia.

Soğan

Soğan Salması (Onion Stew)

Paphlagonia

To a large extent, Paphlagonia coincided with the West Black Sea Region that is a sub-division of what is now the Black Sea Region. The Filyos River separated Paphlagonia from Bithynia at its west and the Kızılırmak (Halys) River from Pontus at its east. According to present day administrative division – listed clockwise- Paphlagonia contained the provinces of Zonguldak (east), Bartın, Kastamonu, Sinop, Çorum (west), Çankırı, Karabük and Bolu. The most important features of the region are the mountain ranges (lower compared to those of the East Black Sea Region) running parallel to the shore and the valleys and high plateaus among these mountains. To some extent, these mountain ranges protect the area both from the cold north winds and the continental climate of Central Anatolia. The high plateaus offer serious advantages for agriculture and animal husbandry. Again for the same reason, the region contains the most important forests of Anatolia. Paphlagonia should be described as a territorial enclave. The most important reason for this is the fact that this region has a very narrow coastal strip except for a very few exceptions. As we will see later when analyzing the history of Paphlagonia, although the interior areas were inhabited in prehistorical times, the shore areas started to be used only after Milet became a commercial colony. Paphlagonia’s connection with the sea was provided with Bartın (river port) and Amasra on the west and the İnebolu and Sinop ports on the east. The interior areas were enlivened with the abundant waters of the rivers at the bottom of the valleys and extending parallel to the sea. The valleys not only offered opportunities for agriculture and animal husbandry but also a geomorphological opportunity for the caravan roads that extended east west and attained the ports of Istanbul, Sinop and Samsun.

Çingen Baklavası

Çingen Baklavası (Gipsy Baklava)

From the country of the Kaskians to the Kastamonu Sancak
Hittite and Hellenistic sources cite that the oldest known tribe of the region is the Kaskian tribe that speaks one of the oldest languages of Anatolia known to belong to the Indo-European language group. Hellenistic sources dating of the 1st millennium BC mention the Paphlagonians. The region later falls into the influence area of the Hittites. The Iliad known to have been compiled in the 9th-8th centuries BC mentions the Paphlagonians as one of the Anatolian tribes that come to the rescue of their countrymen during the Trojan War.

The Paphlagonians Pylaemenes rules,
Where rich Henetia breeds her savage mules,
Where Erythinus’ rising cliffs are seen,
Thy groves of box, Cytorus! ever green,
And where Ægialus and Cromna lie,
And lofty Sesamus invades the sky,
And where Parthenius, roll’d through banks of flowers, Reflects her bordering palaces and bowers.

As the area was separated from the main roads of Central Anatolia by high mountain ranges, it was always behind in developing civilization and therefore, as a natural outcome, it never underwent destruction. Following the Hittite period the area came under the sovereignty of the Phrygians, Lydians and Persians. In the 7th century BC, taking advantage of the laxity of the Persians, the Ionians established Sesame – today known as Amasra – and Ionopolis (İnebolu) and Hellenized Sinop. However, as a result of reasons pointed out above, the Hellenistic culture of the shore area and the Kalkian culture and their following cultures never interacted. As a result of the laxity of the Persian sovereignty during the period of Alexander and the following period of the Macedonian Kingdom, the region was ruled by local princes. Later it came under the sovereignty of the Pontus. In the 5th century AD, during the Roman period, Paphlagonia was used as the official name of the province. The people of Paphlagonia that was an important animal husbandry of Rome raised mules as well as all kinds of animals for meat, milk and saddle. We know from sources that these animals reached the ports of Izmit and Gemlik through Kastamonu and Gerede and were sent to all the overseas provinces of Rome from these ports.
There were 9 cities in Paphlagionia whose capital was Gangra (Çankırı). They were Gangra, Tion (Hisarönü), Krateia (Gerede), Hadrianapolis (near Eskipazar), Sora (near Karabük), Ionopolis (İnebolu), Dadibra (Safranbolu), and Amastris (Amasra). Various sources point out particularly that the region that came under the Eastern Roman Empire followed by the Byzantine Empire never Hellenized. So much so that they always used the grammatical structure of Anatolian languages although they used Greek words. The books of travels of foreign scientists travelling through the area in the 19th century indicate that there was an important monastery system in the area administered by patriarchs during the Byzantine period. The monasteries that were an element of agricultural production had an important function in the economy of the region.
Turks began to be effective in the region in the 11th century after they occupied Sinop. The actual settlement of the Seljuqs in the region came about in the 12th century with their getting hold of an important section of the region with Sinop (Sinope), Kastamonu (Castamon), Safranbolu (Dadybra) forming the boundaries. Following the Anatolian Seljuqs, the region was ruled by the Principality of Çobanoğulları (1292-1461). During the Ottoman period it became the Kastamonu Sanjak.

Nışasta Helvası with Saffron

Safranlı Nışasta Helvası (Starch Halwa with Saffron)

Paphlagonian Cuisine
Turkish cuisine is generally classified as the palace cuisine, local cuisines and ethnic cuisines generally more over Istanbul. Palace cuisine is defined as the Ottoman palace cuisine. One encounters different sub-strata when doing local cuisine research in Anatolia. With regard to culinary culture I have to dwell shortly on a triad social structure that showed almost no change until the 20th century. I classify them as:

. Turks
.Urban dwellers

.Turcomans

. Aborigines

Based on this classification, when appropriate, I will also interpret Turkish cuisine under the two sub-headings I have indicated above. What is meant by local population should be read as the local social synthesis of the 12th century when the Turks took control of the region. Sometimes, I also refer to them as the Rûm or Rûm-Orthodox but this definition is mostly superposed with the Byzantine period and leads to misunderstandings. As I have already indicated above, this set-up consists of a local population that lived through the almost 4-thousand-year long history of Anatolia but never Hellenized. With time, some of these people became Muslims and the rest underwent population exchange beginning in the 1920s. As with Turks, the situation was more complex. In fact, we know that the Seljuqs had a war and urban administration mechanism that was shaped by Farsi culture. The Seljuqs and Anatolian Principalities that opened the door to Anatolia with the Battle of Manzikert in 1071 and Turkified almost all of Anatolia in the following 200 years were in fact an administrative class and with the exception of 3-5 settlements in Anatolia they did not interfere with the local population. In contrast, the nomadic Turkomans who flocked to Anatolia at the same time with the Seljuqs and settled in the meadows in groups created problems for the Seljuqs and later, the Ottomans brought by major administrative solutions in order to enable them to gain a settled social structure.
Under these geographical characteristics and historical view, I read the Paphlagonian cuisine as a synthesis created by different cultural groups.

Arpa Göcesi Çorbası (Barley Malt Soup)

Arpa Göcesi Çorbası (Barley Malt Soup)

Local Ingredients
Wheat, barley and corn is grown in the region. At this point, I must specify that corn came to the region only in the 18th century and was planted only on slopes where wheat could not be grown. The region also contains the most important rice growing areas of Turkey. Tosya and Osmancık – and once upon a time Kızılcaören and Safranbolu – are important rice producing centers. Kaplıca is a grain known as one of the oldest relatives of wheat and referred to as “sys: siyes” in Hittite sources and triticum monucocum or einkorn in Latin. Recently it has been included in “presidia” by Slow Food. All bulgur obtained from kaplıca grown in a narrow area in the region (Kastamonu, Seydiler, Devrekani, Ihsangazi) as a result of a grueling process is used within the region. It is actually not suitable for making yeast bread as it contains no gluten. Therefore, before wheat (triticum aestivum) was cultivated as a crop plant kaplıca was inevitably made into a batter and fermented and consumed in the form of porridge. This grain was cooked in the form of porridge in Byzantium.
I already mentioned above that Paphlagonia was the animal husbandry center of Rome. Although with time animal husbandry is turning from small (sheep, goats) to large (cow,buffalo) animals, the meat need of the region was supplied from sheep, goats and particularly emasculated goats. Moreover, the river bed of the Bartın Çayı is perfect for buffalo breeding. We know that the forests of the region are rich in terms of game. Eflani, a district of Karabük, is an important center of poultry. It is famous for its free ranging chicken, turkeys and geese. I must point out that turkey was introduced to the region in the 18th century and goose was brought by Caucasian immigrants in the 19th century. In addition, the Black Sea coastal region is naturally highly developed with regard to fishing.
The region also has very favorable properties for vegetable, fruit, herbs and mushroom growing. Nevin Halıcı remarks that the Black Sea region has a richer herb culture than the Aegean. Beans and tomatoes entered the region’s cuisine in the 18th century and should be regarded differently. The traditional way of cooking beans is almost like asparagus. The fact that it is only steamed and consumed with a butter sauce must be an indication that it is considered very important. The fact that tomatoes are called “manya” which means “attractive” in Russian is an important reference to its origin. However, as specified by Stefanos Yerasimos, tomatoes have made major changes in Ottoman cuisine. Therefore, particularly in doing a survey of local dishes one must be extremely careful with regard to dishes containing tomatoes. The North Black Sea forests are very rich in fungi. This richness has also found its reflection in the region’s cuisine. The reliefs in the rock tombs show that the region has always been a grapery – most probably a wine producing – center. The çavuş (big white grapes) type grape is a preferred type all over the country. By the way, I must also mention a very important source of vitamin C. Kızılcık, cornelian cherry, “krána” in Greek that has entered local Turkish as “kiren”, is used in numerous dishes in the region. No oily seeds are grown in the region. Therefore, all food is only cooked using animal fat (butter and tallow). I also know that flax and poppy was grown in the region in the past and that flax and poppy seeds were used to make oil. However, today there is not the slightest trace of this.
I will mention an invaluable spice: saffron. In Anatolia, saffron which is extremely difficult to grow and harvest and therefore a very expensive spice only grows in Safranbolu. It has received the “Geographic Indication” certificate recently. It is interesting that saffron which was used rather as medicine in Byzantium is found in Ottoman palace cuisine but with the exception of ‘zerde‘ that is prepared in the region it is not used in the preparation of any other dish. it is used as an ingredient of ‘aşure’ (Noah’s pudding) prepared in the houses of the rich.

Çullu Pilav

Çullu Börek

Dishes
As an invaluable source with regard to important details of the region’s culinary culture, I suggest using the book “Karadeniz Bölgesi Yemekleri” by Dr. Nevin Halıcı. It is a book that has to be consulted for important issues such as daily menus, foods and treats for important days, street foods but will extend my presentation unnecessarily. Within my presentation I will list the common dishes generally found in the region and will also present singular examples due to their characteristics. Later, I will talk about the region’s culinary culture over these examples.
Soups: Keşkek soup, Tarhana, Yoghurt soup, Ovmaç soup, Mısır göcesi soup,
Egg dishes: Mıhlama, Çılbır
Meat dishes: Kuyu kebabı, Kuzu dolması
Poultry: Bandırma, Pilaf with chicken
Vegetable dishes: Sarma and dolmalar, Ispıt, Mancar, Beans, Spinach, Fungi, Chickpeas.
Fruit dishes: Meat with quince
Keşkek
Rice dishes: Rice pilaf, Bulgur (cracked wheat) pilaf
Pasta: Noodles, Mantı (a type of ravioli with meat)
Börekler and hamur işleri: Haluşka, Gözlemeler, Saç börekleri, Su böreği
Meat Dishes: Papara
Hamur tatlıları: Baklava, Dolama, Helvalar, Lokma
Light desserts: Rice Pudding, Noah’s Pudding, Güllaç
Fruit desserts: Pumpkin tatlısı, Compotes

Peeled Yaprak Sarması (Stuffed Wine Leaves on Ribs)

Paphlagonian Culinary Culture
Bartın, Kastamonu, Sinop, Çankırı and Bolu are locations with a deep rooted urban cultural history successively in the Roman – Byzantine – Seljuq – Ottoman periods. Zonguldak and Karabük are cities of the Republic period and during their rapid development they have received large numbers of immigrants and therefore, have a hybrid cuisine. Safranbolu has been able to maintain its urban culture until recently. When analyzing Bolu cuisine it is observed that in the 20th century it has been redesigned or reinterpreted – maybe with the influence of Mengen – and therefore, has diverged from the local.
It is impossible to speak about a palace cuisine in Paphlagonia. In actual fact, Ibn Battuta who travelled to Crimea through Gerede–Safranbolu – Kastamonu – Sinop in the 14th century mentions that he was hosted by Çobanoğlu İbrahim Sultan in Kastamonu and his son Ali Bey in Safranbolu and gave detailed information on the food and ingredients. However, what he relates is more like the exaggerated dishes of a very hospitable urban host rather than a palace cuisine. What he relates coincides with the ceremonial food presentations at urban centers of the region. Two valuable products such as meat and rice come to the fore among the different dishes.
Historically, Ottomans have always had a dual structure. So much so that there were times when there were two cadis (Muslim judge) in their history. In the case of Safranbolu these were: Medine-i Taraklı Borlu and Yörükan-ı Taraklı Borlu. I want to digress one more time. Although the region south of the Safranbolu – Kastamonu – Sinop alignment passed to the control of the Seljuqs towards the end of the 12th century, Turcomans were seen in the region long before that. In the 11th century, the army of Alexios Komnenos that was moving from Sinop to Konstantinopolis was attacked by the Turcomans and defeated. Since the region was at the right end tip of Ottoman lands it was used as a lodging area and therefore, the culture brought from the east by Turcomans always remained fresh. The contradictions between the Turcomans and the urban dwellers of the area seriously prevented the mixing of the two cultures.

Ekşili Pilav (Sour Pilaf)

Ekşili Pilav (Sour Pilaf)

Urban Culinary Culture
In my opinion, although the urban dweller had a downright Turkish cuisine, they stabilized this far too much in their ceremonial dishes as a result of a minority complex. After the Seljuqs vacated completely the three major cities – Safranbulu, Kastamonu and Çankırı – of the region and the Rums were replaced by Seljuqs, even though they later mixed with the Turcomans to some extent, in private conversations urban minorities claim that they are descendents of Seljuq aristocrats. Although the connection with the Seljuq aristocracy makes sense, except for some dishes of meat with fruit, I have not found any trace of Ottoman cuisine in my research of their cuisine.
Urban dwellers always have two expensive foods at their table. They are: red meat and rice. I would like to share some examples related to red meat consumption thinking that it would be supportive. In the 12th century, the Turcomans sent 24 thousand sheep to the kitchen of Sanjar. We know that during the Ottoman period, the meat requirement of Istanbul was provided by cattle dealers appointed by force under the control of the palace. The fact that some of the cattle sent to Istanbul vanished at some point on the way during the 16th and 17th centuries necessitated that the palace control the system through the cadi channel. One of the points where the cattle vanished was our area.
Urban dwellers had only one main dish: A stew made with red meat. And in addition Kuzu dolması (rice pilaf infilled lamb) and kuyu kebabı (lamp roasted in pit) prepared for special occasions. During our spoken history work, I documented that they consumed no other meat other than red meat. They specify particularly that they never consumed chicken on the pretext that it smelled. During our research, one of our sources said that one day her grandmother put some vegetables and herbs while cooking whole meat but when her husband reacted seriously never attempted to try it again.
In my opinion, meat that is first simply poached in butter and then cooked over low fire with or without onions is being prepared in the region with no change whatsoever for 800 years. I would like to point out something: it would not be wrong to read “whole meat” as “only meat”.
Although sources point out that rice spread in Anatolia in the 16th century during the Safavid period, we read that Ibn Battuta ate bread, meat, pilaf, fat and halva in Taşköprü at the Fahreddin Bek Zawiya when travelling through our region in the 14th century. It is obvious that the Seljuqs brought rice with them when they came here. During our oral history study, as if they had agreed in advance, all our interviewees said “Rice soup” when we asked about the entrée. Making this soup is as easy as that of whole meat. You put rice in the broth of whole meat and boil it and sprinkle it with chopped parsley. We also know that pilaf also holds an important place and is made with the broth of whole meat. So here is the feast of the urban dweller: rice soup, whole meat and pilaf. This pattern is still maintained with almost no change. In case of a ceremonial dinner, it ends with su böreği and baklava. With time etli yaprak sarma and still much later, boiled fresh beans “Uzun Bakla” dressed with melted butter were added to this pattern.
The urban dweller has put important limits between the Turcomans and themselves. One of these is the saying “Bugün Pazar Türkler azar” (Today is market day, Turks go insane) that was used until recently. Documents show that Seljuqs prevented the villagers’ entry to the cities by checks at the fortress gates. Therefore, setting the local regional markets next to cities but outside the forts was an intelligent solution. Although it is a small detail, I found out during oral history studies that one of our sources said that when making dried apples they cut the apple in four while the others cut it in eight. Since then, cutting the apple in four or eight has been my dilemma.

Kaz Bandırması (Goose Stew on Flat Bread)

Turcoman Culinary Culture
 Yük Ekmeği
Even in a very limited geography food names differ. For example, what the Safranbolu urban dweller calls yaprak sarması is called “Kara Dolma” in the villages and “Uzun Bakla” becomes “Çullu Bakla”. “Aş evi” used for kitchen in cities is called ”ekmek evi” in villages. The interviewee expects you to call the dish you are talking about the way she/he calls it. However, my preferred different name is “Yük Ekmeği” (Cargo Bread). Yufka ekmeği (markook) (unleavened flatbread) that the Safranbolu urban dweller calls just bread attains its etymologic value in the Turcoman vernacular. While the Safranbolu urban dweller adorns his table with the most expensive products, the Turcoman produces numerous dishes generally made with yufka that the housewife makes. A wide range of different yufka and the kesme makarna (home made fettuchini), kadayıf, etc made of yufka. The most interesting among these is the “Çullu Börek”. This börek that is still made in our Ovacık province is made by cutting the yufka in thin pieces and cooking it on saj after combining it with different ingredients. They mix the pieces of yufka only with butter and milk and sometimes also put chicken livers and eggs. Researching the connection of this börek with the çullamas made in Crete is not within the scope of my research.
The most common dessert of the Turcomans is the “Çingen Baklavası”. This sweet dessert made solely using leftover shredded yufka bread could be the missing link of chain that the well-known food historian Charles Perry is looking for. Çingen baklava is made by putting crushed walnuts between layers of yufka and pouring molasses and butter over it. Our interviewees said that this was eaten as is. It started to be baked later.
I think that while Turcomans had an eating pattern based solely on lamb at the beginning, later it became exceedingly poor. The most important animal nutritional source of those living in the rural areas of Paphlagonia even on special occasions was fowl. This is clearly observed in oral history studies and food compilations. Chicken is mostly fed for eggs and cattle solely for milk. They eat mostly vegetable and mainly grains. Hüseyin Lütfi Ersoy who researched the local dishes of the Eflani area (Karabük – Kastamonu) gives about 150 recipes. The only recipe containing meat among these 150 recipes is “turkey bandırma”.

Cevizli, Kıymalı Saç Böreği copy

Cevizli Kıymalı Saç Böreği (Börek with Walnut and Minced Lamp Meat)

Mantı – Piruhi
In addition to noodles mantı (a kind of ravioli) and piruhi (a kind of dumpling) are the most common flour based dishes. It is interesting that they are referred to by two different names even though their preparation and cooking methods are similar. Some times their filling and at times the sauces poured over differs. Although mantı is made with small differences all over Anatolia, piruhi is considered a special dish of Paphlagonia. Mantı whose origin is China – Mongolia spread towards the west over Central Asia. The main trend was brought by Turcomans and spread all over Anatolia and all the way to the Ottoman palace cuisine. Piruhi came later – most probably in the 19th century – and was brought by the Crimean Tatars and reached Northern Anatolia as “perushky: Tatar böreği” and was instantly adopted by the local population. At this point, I think that with the exception of the Cold War period, the Black Sea provided a rather extensive cultural communication and interaction medium. Haluşka, peruhi and manya that we find in the Paphlagonian cuisine are spectacular examples of this.

Bütün Et Ot Kavurması Yatağında (Lamb Stew on Fried Vetetables with Walnut)

Bütün Et Ot Kavurması Yatağında (Lamb Stew on Fried Vetetables with Walnut)

Börek and Çörek
I will come back to the fact that the oven that is a local technology and at the same time an important distinguishing element. However, there is an important detail that the people of Bulak warned me to be very careful about. Börek is cooked on saj or round metal tray over fire. Çörek is cooked in an oven. I would like to specify here two points that I deem important. All dishes that Turks make using yufka and yufka itself is cooked on a saj. Therefore, börek of any sort must be cooked on both sides on saj or metal tray. Bükme, saç böreği, gözleme or etli ekmek that is offered as traditional food should definitely be cooked on saj. As the name implies, the çörek with walnuts prepared at the Bulak village nowadays is a totally different flavor made with leavened dough baked in an oven.
The fact that they use leavened dough and having ovens at home are the most important separatrices of the native culture of Anatolia. So much so that in areas where there was a large Rum population in the past neighborhood ovens are still in use. Today, still women get together and bake four different types of leavened bread in these ovens that are maintained and lit collectively.
During our oral history interviews we came across two important details. An elder Safranbolu urban dweller told me that since buying bread from the neighborhood bakery everyday would not be approved, bread from the local bakery was taken home secretly. An elderly lady said that they were very pleased with the oven of the Rum house they bought after the exchange of population and prepared themselves a feast. However, the increasing popularity of the oven the saj börek and gözleme – two important dishes of Turkish cuisine – started to be prepared in the oven. The etli ekmek of Kastamonu that used to be cooked on saj is being cooked in the oven since the 1960s.

Kara Dolma (Minced Meat  Stuffed Wine Leaves)

Kara Dolma (Minced Meat Stuffed Wine Leaves)

Beşparmak – Islama – Bandırma
The dish called “beşparmak” by the Kazakhs and Turcomans is prepared with lamb meat cooked with onions shredded over thick cut pieces of pasta dough and cooked one more time. Beşparmak is the Anatolian ancestor of dishes such as papara and tirit that are prepared with yufka bread and is found in different cuisines. This kind of dishes is most widely seen in the Paphlagonia region in Anatolia. Other similar dishes made with leavened bread are tirit and mamalika. I have nothing that shows which one was the first. In one of his conferences Vedat Başaran said that Turkish dishes changed as leavened bread became more widespread. At this point I maintain that regardless of whether it is broken by hand and dipped into the sauce or laid under the food – as in Iskender kebab – the Anatolian cuisine does not do without bread at the table. The dish called ıslama or bandırma can be made with different kinds of meat. There has been a transition from red meat to fowl in the region. It is also said that quail is used extensively in the region.
Obviously, the local population was putting leavened bread to use as tirit or mamalika. In this region, tirit and the ıslama and bandırma of the Turkomans have come to be a group of dishes prepared in the same way but with different ingredients. In addition to bandırma mostly prepared with fowl nowadays the most interesting dish of this group must be the “simit tiriti” of Kastamonu.

Kuşburnu ve Kiren (Rose Hip and Cornelian Mas Drinks)

Kuşburnu ve Kiren (Rose Hip and Cornelian Mas Drinks)

Culinary Culture of the Native
Keşkek
Simply speaking keşkek can be explained as wheat pounded and hulled mixed with water and meat broth cooked in an oven for long hours. One instantly understands the importance of the oven during the preparation of keşkek. In the words of cooks, “the oven is not lit for keşkek”. The oven is lit for bread or çörek and then used to cook keşkek. I will come back to the issue of ovens, however, looking at the word keşkek in the dictionary leads to confusion. The best study regarding keşkek I have come across until now is the paper entitled “El-Kişk: Geçmişiyle Bugünüyle Karmaşık Yemek” (El-Kisk: History of Complex Food”) by Françoise Aubaile-Sallenave presented at the Culinary Cultures of the Middle East Conference . The paper specifies that keşkek is a Farsi word and the name of a kind of barley soup and is served with a sauce of sour milk. As obvious from the title of the paper, the issue is complex. I just want to point out an important detail here. During my oral history study I found out that just like cracked barley cracked wheat was also left to ferment in the past. It is also observed that places where keşkek is made coincides with those where the Rums (local community) lived in the past. As I have already mentioned above keşkek locks with another important property: it is baked in an oven. In my interviews conducted with Rums that left as a result of the population exchange, I realized that the preparation and cooking process of the dish referred to as κεσκέκ, κεσκέκι and κισκέκ was exactly the same as what is done today with the exception that they used pork meat.

Zerde (Saffron Pudding)

Zerde (Saffron Pudding)

Köle Aşı – Arabaşı – Malak –Haluşka – Kedi Batmaz
This dish generally made with wheat flour slowly added to boiling water and stirred rapidly until it is cooked has different names in various parts of Anatolia. Etymological research takes the researcher to unseemly points. The most reliable legend is that since it has a high calorie value, is cheap and easy to make it was given to the slaves, especially if the slave was African, the name “Arabaşı” is a good fit. Bober states that the five cereals before wheat could only be consumed in gruel form (puls, alica). This food is a good example of the consumption of cereals which can not be baked due to no gluten content, so they used to be consumed after being crushed and fermented or in later times cooked to gruel. What is really confusing is that the dish is called haluşka (Halusky) in Slavic in Safranbolu. Depending to preference, haluşka is sometimes eaten with melted butter, sometimes with molasses and at times with both. This must have been due to corn flour being preferred after corn reached the old continent. When doing research on culinary culture in İnebolu an elderly woman told me that they prepared the dish with corn flour and called it “pıt”. She said that while cooking the dish, the vapor from the pan made a “pıt” sound. The dish is still made in the west Black Sea region with the addition of cheese and is called mıhlama. However, what is really striking is the fact that corn that is called “grano Turca” by the Italians has entered their kitchen and is called polenta.

Uzun Bakla (Bean Stew with Butter Sauce)

Uzun Bakla (Bean Stew with Butter Sauce)

Soğan Salması
During my cuisine research they offered us “soğan salması” (onion stew) in the Eskipazar township of Karabük. The dish prepared with very limited ingredients and a simple process was unexpectedly tasty. I found the dish I had not come across anywhere in the region in a book about Byzantine food. According to the reference in the book, the dish was called “kutsal çorba” (sacred soup). The dish was one of the religious fasting dishes of Christians that still lived in the area. The dish that has undergone very few changes is a document and has very special flavors despite its simplicity. According to the original cooking method onions that were boiling in water were sprinkled with thyme and consumed. In Eskipazar – without going against the fasting rules – milk is added to the dish.

Crushed Barley and Einkorn Bulgur

Crushed Barley and Einkorn Bulgur

Vegan Cuisine
I have already mentioned above that according to Dr. Halıcı the region has a richer herb culture than the Aegean region. Study of the attached list of dishes will immediately reveal how rich the vegetable and fungi dishes are both from the aspect of ingredients and cooking methods. Especially mancar (kara lahana) (cole) and ıspıt (borage) as well as numerous herbs (ısırgan (nettle), pazı (chard), semizotu (purslane), ebegümeci (mallow), hindiba (endive), dil buran, kazayak (low goosefoot), gelincik (poppy), çoban ekmeği, kara kavruk, madımak, teke sakalı, yemlik, toklamaç, labada), fungi (ayı köşk, cincile, göbelek, içi kızıl, kanlıca, karakulak, kayışkan, meşe, mıh tepesi, sarıgül, tellice, kara göçen, kabak, koç, saçak, bağrı kışlı, cücüle, çivi başı, geyik, halı saçağı, karaağaç) and vegetables are used in the region’s cuisine. In their simplest form, these ingredients are cooked with various grains and both their taste and nutritional values are balanced. In an exaggerated way of saying, they leave unforgettable flavors in our mouths. This dish was prepared at the Traditional Flavors Festival and offered to the guests. Following the presentation, it was the one whose recipe was most often asked.
I would like to share one of my anecdote like memories here. During our work in Yenice we discovered a vegan cuisine and started to work in collaboration with the county governor of the time in order to use this within the context of tourism. The idea to introduce this cuisine to the editor of Food & Travel Magazine came up at this point. The menu was prepared but we learned that the municipal board that met did not want to introduce Yenice with these herbal dishes and had prepared meat dishes. As a result of the county governor’s insistence, the meat dishes were withdrawn and the guests were offered the vegan dishes we gathered from the homes and were met with great interest.
During the Yenice local cuisine research, we discovered a unique dessert: Sultani Bakla Tatlısı. This dessert is prepared like the fava that we all know but with sugar. It was interesting to see that the region that is poor from the view point of meat and grains (they grow corn now) uses bakla (broad beans) for a dessert.
The region is very rich in fungi. Especially in the fall people go to pick mushrooms in groups. Those who don’t have the time buy the mushrooms that are almost as expensive as meat at the market with their limited budget.

IMG_5733

Palamut Dolma (Stuffed Bonito)
Palamut Dolma is probably the most interesting dish under the influence of Hellen culture in the region. We come across this dish in Sinop. It is a more striking version of the stuffed mackerel that is almost forgotten even in Istanbul nowadays. The “iç pilavlı anchovy” that I regard as a simpler version of this dish must also be noted. In his book 500 Yıllık Osmanlı Mutfağı, M. Yerasimos dates the first stuffed mackerel to the 19th century. This should be interpreted as Turks accepting sea food in their cuisine late rather than the dish being prepared recently.

Sirkeli Kurabiye (Vinegar Cookies)

Sirkeli Kurabiye (Vinegar Cookies)

A Singularity: İncir (Fig) Uyutması
I came across an interesting dessert during my research. This fruity dessert called İncir Uyutması is prepared in Bartın and Karabük. Fig dessert and stuffed figs as dessert are found in many areas of Turkey but incir uyutması was a totally different sweet. During my internet search I came across the same sweet dessert in Düzce. In some internet pages it was referred to as “göçmen tatlısı” (immigrant’s sweet). A technique similar to the teleme (curd cheese) technique is used in its preparation. Crushed dried figs are added to lukewarm milk and the mixture is left to ferment just like yoghurt and cheese. If the mixture and process are successful you get a rather delicious fruity yoghurt dessert. This dessert is not done anywhere in the Aegean region known to be a fig producing area. Although I cannot trace its origins exactly, I define it within the Paphlagonian cuisine. It may have been first made by a bride who married and settled in the area.
I have already mentioned that Paphlagonia was a world of its own disconnected from Anatolia due to its geographical properties. As you will realize from the presentation, its cuisine that is still preserving its original values is not only offering flavors but also presenting the culinary cultures and story of humanity through the ages.

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Perry, C. (1988), “Baklavanın Orta Asya Kökleri” THKATV, İkinci Milletlerarası Yemek Kongresi, p. 360-4.
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SAFRANBOLU UNESCO World Heritage City

İbrahim Canbulat, M. Arch.

12.12.2006 036

Safranbolu is recorded as site # 614 and date 1994 in the World Heritage List prepared by the UNESCO World Heritage Committee. Safranbolu was inscribed in the World Heritage List as “Cultural Heritage” as per criteria (ii), (iv) and (v). Within this context Safranbolu is listed for
ii) The key role Safranbolu has had in the caravan trade over a long span of time, it has enjoyed prosperity and as a result has set the standards of general and local architecture that have affected urban development in a large area of the Ottoman Empire,
iv) The caravan trade that has been the basic trade link between the East and Europe for centuries and as a result, cities with characteristic features were established all along this caravan route. These cities lost their initial raison d’être with the coming of the railroads in the 19th century and many turned to other economic resources. However, Safranbolu was not affected by this and therefore preserved its original state and buildings to a great extend.
v) The end of the caravan trade had devastating effects on Safranbolu. The proximity of the Karabük Iron and Steel Factories ascribed a new socio-economic role to Safranbolu. However, it is still affected by external factors. Therefore, continuous efforts must be made to preserve this traditional settlement (UNESCO 2009, 215–240).
Safranbolu is a city where people continue to live. Therefore, it displays a widely more complex structure than the other 10 UNESCO World Heritage areas in Turkey. The different phases that Safranbolu went through will be dealt with in three different sections in this paper. These are:
The Formation of Safranbolu (Prior to the 1930s),
The Preservation Efforts in Safranbolu (1930s — 1990s), and
The Threats Confronted by Safranbolu as a “Touristic – Historic” City (After the 1990s).
It would be incorrect to consider the impressive physical structure of Safranbolu as solely Ottoman. Safranbolu is known to have a cultural heritage that dates of at least 7500 years. While Çarşı and Bağlar display the Seljuk – Ottoman continuity, Kıranköy displays Roman-Byzantine-Ottoman continuity. The structures that we refer to as Ottoman konaks (mansions) today are heritage structures and construction systems dating of the Hittites. We observe that the master builders and workers go on using the traditions and skills of the Hittites, Romans, Byzantines and Ottomans. On the other hand, the well preserved urban fabric of Safranbolu gives us important information regarding the family and social life of both the Muslim and Greek-Orthodox Ottomans.
Being located at the eastern tip of the Ottoman lands, though temporary, Safranbolu was a residence area for the “yörüks” (Turkish nomads) continuously arriving from Asia. The population required by the centuries long move of the Ottomans towards the West shifted from this area as new territories were conquered. In the past, Safranbolu was administered by two different local governors; the Qadi of Medine-i Taraklı Borlu and the Qadi of Yörükan-ı Taraklı Borlu. Even today, this dual structure is still influential in Safranbolu and should be taken into consideration in order to understand the preservation processes in the city, from the shaping of the konaks of Safranbolu nobles who used the nomads as sharecroppers, to the new urban/rural life in the konaks when they were abandoned by the first owners and taken over by the nomads.
Following the 1930s Safranbolu has almost literally gone through the intellectual, professional and political processes regarding the history of urban preservation in the world. Therefore, in addition to being an important source for academic research, it also has the quality of being an example to similar urban preservation implementations. In this article, the different phases of the preservation process have been explained with detailed footnotes.
Even though the purpose of this article is to analyze Safranbolu as a UNESCO World Heritage City, time and again I have been obliged to go beyond this scope. In the sections regarding the names of Safranbolu and its history I observed discrepancies in various sources due to the fact that Dadybra was identified as Safranbolu only as late as the 1970s. Therefore, I was obliged to get to first degree sources and add some of my conclusions. As I will point out later, numerous new studies are being conducted regarding Ottoman cities and urban dwellers. Provided that it is not much out of context, I felt that first of all, it would be a good idea to examine issues such as the notables period, the guilds and the “proto-industrial cities” that emerged in Anatolia. The subject became more complicated in the case of Safranbolu houses. Although we have only a very few Ottoman houses dating prior to the 19th century, we are making abstractions and generalizations in broad lines — at times even extremely idealized — on the characteristics and typology of the Ottoman house based on konaks built in the 19th century. As I have stated below, the Safranbolu house that was a “hayat house” until the 18th century went through a significant change as a result of the changing socio-economic structure, the more liberal atmosphere and the unfamiliar inspirations that arrived over Istanbul as of the 18th century. At least, I felt the need to share the initial clues of the scientific research we are conducting on this subject. Using the rich cultural heritage of Safranbolu was what encouraged me in this.
Safranbolu has to be evaluated together with Karabük, to which it is presently attached administratively, in order to better understand present-day Safranbolu. Safranbolu’s socioeconomic structure of the 1930s was affected by the KDÇİ (Karabük Iron and Steel Enterprises), Turkey’s first heavy industry investment, and later, equally by its privatization in 1994. Even today, 20 years after the unplanned formation of privatization that is called “deindustrialization,” it continues to affect Safranbolu strongly.
Beginning with the 1990s, the Turkish Touring and Automobile Association purchased the Havuzlu Asmazlar Konak on Beybağı Street and after its restoration operated it as a hotel. Thus, Safranbolu emerged as a tourist destination and became acquainted with tourism. Although it is a pathological relationship, it is almost impossible to think of heritage areas independently from cultural tourism. In this context, a significant number of registered konaks in Safranbolu have been restored and started to operate as hotels in the past 20 years. Today, despite its 2,650-bed capacity, Safranbolu’s tourism sector has problems due to insufficient occupancy.
Today, the Çarşı, Kıranköy and Bağlar districts are very different situations from each other as a result of the different processes they underwent. However, the problems confronted by the Çarşı District are much more complicated than the others. Besides losing its economic and administrative centrality function on one hand, the Çarşı District is attempting to cope with the negativities brought by mass tourism and on the other, it has encountered physical as well as social disintegration as a result of the decline in the life standards of the working population living there.

1. The Formation of Safranbolu (Prior to the 1930s)

We know that the Hellenic Greeks (first millennium BC) called the region where Safranbolu is located Paphlagonia. According to Umar (2005), this name, which is not Hellenic Greek, is the name of the region where the Kaskas, one of the native peoples of Anatolia, lived. We obtain information about the Kaska people from the Hittite sources (second millennium BC). However, in The Iliad that was collected in the ninth-eight centuries BC, Homer mentions the Paphlagonians, when describing the Anatolian peoples who went to help Troy.

Pylæmenes, a Chief of giant might
From the Eneti for forest-mules renowned
1040
March’d with his Paphlagonians; dwellers they
In Sesamus and in Cytorus were,
And by the stream Parthenius; Cromna these
Sent forth, and those Ægialus on the lip
And margin of the land, and some, the heights
1045
Of Erythini, rugged and abrupt.

Its boundary with Bithynia on the West was defined by the Filyos River (in some sources the Bartın River), with Pontus on the East the Kızılırmak (also known as Halys) and its north boundary by the Black Sea. Its southern neighbors were Galatia and Phygia. Until Anatolia passed into the sovereignty of the Turks, the area was ruled by the Hittites, Dor (“Sea People”), Paphlagonians, Cimmerians, Lydians, Persians, Cappadocians, Hellenic Greeks, Pontians, Galatians, Bithynians, Romans and Byzantines, respectively. Although geographically the region presents excellent opportunities for life, it was hardly affected by the significant movements of destruction and carnage in Anatolia because there are no works of affluence and civilization.
The local historian Hulusi Yazıcıoğlu (Yazıcıoğlu & Al, 1982, 33-38) lists the names of Safranbolu throughout history as follows: Dadybra, Zalifre, Borglu, Burglu, Borgulu, Borlu, Taraklı- Borlu, Taraklı, Zağfiran-Borlu, Zağfiranbolu, Zağfiran-Benderli, Zağfiranbolu, Zafranbolu and Safranbolu. We owe the coherent Dadybra – Zalifre passage to Osman Turan. Osman Turan (Turan, 1971, 219) stated that the place called Dadybra in Byzantine sources was called Zalifre by the Seljuks and proved that the location of Dadybra, which was debated until recently, is Safranbolu.
There are 24 tumuli and 3 large mounds on the Safranbolu Eflani route. None of these have been excavated. Sources regarding the ancient history of Safranbolu and its environs are limited. Archaeological excavations to be carried out will enable correct chronicling.
Even though it was set forth in many books and articles that it was not an important settlement throughout history, it is known that money was minted by Dadybra in the second-third centuries AD (Ramsey, 1890, 193; Oaks, et al., 2001, 4: 43-44). Based on Byzantine historians, Cramer (Cramer, 1832, 1: 238) writes that Dadybra was a patriarch settlement. In the official registers of Rome, it was regularly stated as one of the 6 cities of Paphlagonia starting as of AD 325 (Ramsay, 1890, 196-197). Most important of all, it has always had the attribute of being a strategic point due to the fact that it is at the junction of the secondary caravan roads connecting Central Anatolia to the Black Sea ports.
The studies we conducted with members of METU and Bilkent University have clearly shown that the area that is referred to as Kıranköy nowadays and where Greek-Orthodox subjects lived until the 1920s was a citadel city with a grid plan. In fact, Cahen (Cahen, 2000, 61) wrote that during the reign of Manuel Komnenos boundary fortresses were constructed in the region where Dadybra was located. The water distribution and storage network system under the city is the best evidence of this fact. Unfortunately, no detailed information regarding Kıranköy could be provided because no urban archaeology studies have been conducted here.
I believe that the height called “Kale” (citadel) today was not what the Seljuks took after the siege of Dadybra that lasted for 4 months. As the vineyards of Kıranköy descended the eastern slopes all the way to Gümüş Stream, houses belonging to the Christian subjects were found at Gümüş Canyon and what is even more important the fact that Dışkale Street is located here, I conclude that it must have been a rather large settlement (Magoulias, 1984, 475-476), because it was continuously referred to as “Dadybra Town” when describing the conquest of Dadybra. The height called “Kale” today where the palace of the local administrator and the buildings used by a group of security forces were located must have been an inner citadel at that time.
In 1196, after a 4-month siege, Muhiddin Mesud Shah, the ruler of the Ankara Region and son of the Seljuk Sultan Kılıç Aslan II, took possession of Dadybra by making an agreement with the Byzantine Emperor Alexios III Angelos. We must assume that as was accustomed the Seljuks established a simple settlement that was half market and half check-point in front of the gate to the citadel. Today, calling the region immediately underneath the Citadel “Below the Citadel” is significant proof of this. It is rumored that the Old Mosque (Gazi Süleyman Mosque) to the south of the Citadel was transformed from a church. The proximity of the Citadel, Mosque and the Marketplace Below the Citadel, the three important elements creating a Seljukid City, is proof that the first Seljukid settlement was here. The Old Hammam that is unlike Ottoman hammams should also be added to these.
In his well-known Book of Travels, Ibni Batuta who spent a night in Safranbolu in 1334 wrote about Safranbolu saying, “A small town built on a hill. There is a trench at the foot of the hill. At the summit there is a citadel. We spent the night at a madrasa there.”
Today, there are no architectural works that can be ascribed specifically to the Seljuk period in Safranbolu. However, we must recognize that Safranbolu’s City structure comes from the Seljuks. It reflects characteristics of a typical Seljukid City, such as the housing region formed with dead-end streets and established on a slope, the lack of a structured street system and squares and industry settled at the point where water leaves the city.
After Byzantium, Safranbolu was governed by the Anatolian Seljuks, Ilkhanids, Çobanoğlus, Candaroğlus and Ottomans, respectively.
The records of the land registry made for taxes in 1530 shows that were only 16 shops at the Safranbolu Market place at the time. In the same context, it appears that the Gebran District, which is called Kıranköy today, is mentioned as a small settlement with 27 households. This data leads us to onsider that Safranbolu regressed up until the sixteenth century. Even the traces of leather tanning and the leather industry which would emerge in later periods were not found in the land registers.
We are indebted to Hüseyin Efendi (Cinci Hodja) for the most important development that changed the destiny of Safranbolu. Hüseyin Efendi who was a young student at the madrasa at that time solved Sultan İbrahim’s psychological problems thus helping him to have a prince. As a result, Hüseyin Efendi acquired great wealth within a short time thanks to the position and opportunities provided by the sultan. He used most of this wealth for investments he made in Safranbolu. The end of Hüseyin Efendi was as fast as his rise. Following the death of Sultan İbrahim, Hüseyin Efendi was assassinated and his fortune was distributed to the janissaries as accession to the throne gratuities on the occasion of Mehmed IV’s (the Hunter) ascension to the throne. Along with the charitable acts of Köprülü Mehmet Pasha, who had a mosque and a social complex built in Safranbolu approximately 10 years later, the present day rich fabric of the historical city of Safranbolu practically emerged in the 17th century. The new Safranbolu emerged as a typical Ottoman City lying beyond the Citadel in the canyon formed by the Akçasu stream at the east of the Citadel.
Safranbolu was a province of the Kastamonu Sanjak and in the 18th century, providing that the port duties of Inebolu are excluded from the evaluation, Safranbolu that had tax revenues even higher than Kastamonu became the largest economy of the Sanjak. Following The Celali Uprisings Safranbolu’s success in industry and trade should actually be attributed to a more liberal environment as for some time the Ottomans governed the economy through the local notables. We know that the most important element of the Safranbolu economy in the 18th century was the operation of the caravans. This brought Safranbolu material wealth as well as cultural wealth which was the result of intercultural relations. Cultural interaction was not limited to this and wealthy families came and settled in Safranbolu. Families such as the Araphacıs (Arabia), Kırımlıs and Asmazs (Kazan) were among such families.
Safranbolu’s second economic activity was leather processing and production of leather goods. We know that there were over 80 tanneries operating at the south of the city and that they produced high quality leather. Safranbolu’s industrial function was not limited to leather processing. It had artisanal shops spread over the city and working on a guild order basis and a, so to speak, production line where very high quality yemeni (light, flat-heeled shoes), saddlery, packsaddles and similar products were made. Moreover, meat processing also become an important source of livelihood as a by product related to the tanneries in Safranbolu that imported 5600 cattle and water buffalo (Faroqhi 1993, 273-278). In the 17th century, some problems were created because some of the red sheep herds that were sent from Anatolia to meet the requirements of Istanbul were sold and slaughtered on the way. Complaints were raised about the Borlu Qadi because of the diminishing number of sheep on the route of Kastamonu – Borlu (Safranbolu) – Gerede. There were also 25 cured spiced beef makers in Safranbolu at the beginning of the 20th century (Yazıcıoğlu & Al 1982, 73).
We also know that there was a developed weaving culture in Safranbolu (Yazıcıoğlu & Al 1982, 71-73). In 1923 there were 350 cloth weaving looms and 120 looms for making horse-cloths or feeding bags of goat hair in Safranbolu. However, in my research I could not find any structure except Mutab Kerhanesi (weaving factory) on the West façade of Cinci Han that manifest itself on the exterior space (Yazıcıoğlu, 2001, 99). Therefore, it should be assumed that looms were usually in the houses. In most of the houses where I conducted restoration work I found spindles, loom parts, shuttles, and in one particular case (Gökçüler Konak) a room where fabric was dyed and some fabric dyes. In addition to showing large amounts of cotton and cotton threat imports (72.500 Ottoman liras), statistics show that white cloth was also exported to Istanbul (21.000 Ottoman liras). Weaving did not reflect on the urban space but was evident only through numbers. Apparently, fabric dealers had contract manufacturing done in homes and Villages, collected the product and sold it in domestic and foreign markets. Twelve of the 20 merchants registered at the Safranbolu Chamber of Commerce were recorded as “fabric dealers”. In addition, there were 32 fabric dealers not registered at the Chamber of Commerce. Home production shows that women labour was part of the industrial production in Safranbolu.
The importance of the Safranbolu Marketplace can be better understood by stating that at the end of the 19th century while there was 1 shop per 16 persons in Kastamonu, the sanjak centre, this number was 1 shop per 8 persons in Safranbolu (Aktüre & Şenyapılı, 1976, 69). Moreover, stating that Safranbolu was the administrative and commercial center for a region of a population of approximately 50,000 presents a very accurate picture of the economic structure of Safranbolu. Hence, it is this material and cultural affluence that created the influential physical structure which has remained until the present-day. The section of the “1889 Kastamonu Yearbook” devoted to Sarfanbolu states that there were: “28 mosques and mesjids, 2 libraries, 12 madrases, 13 passenger inns, 170 Muslim and 3 non-Muslim primary schools, 2 churches, 24 large commercial buildings, 11 hammams, 945 shops, 40 watermills, 60 water mill powered saws, 84 tanneries, 1 grain traders inn, 1government office,1 telegram office, 1 army storehouse, an army recruiting office, 1arsenal, 5 saint tombs, 2 praying time muvakkithane (praying time keeper), 1 high school, 1 elementary school, 2 police stations, 1 namazgah (open-air mosque), 107 fountains, 1 bedesten (covered bazar) (Yazıcıoğlu 2001, 87). The existence of the Bedesten is proof to how developed the commercial function was in Safranbolu. The bedesten not only served the function of keeping valuable goods, at the same time, it also undertook the financing functions realized by banks today. However, Cinci Han was not a simple caravansary. The rooms on the upper story served as offices for merchants (Aktüre & Şenyapılı 1976). Moreover, it was stated that there were foreign merchants who engaged in interregional trade by hiring rooms at Cinci Han. In this context, Safranbolu was a “break-of-bulk point”.
Cerasi (1999, 101) wrote that the Turks created the first country residence (suburbanization) in the world. The Bağlar District, which was formed as a result of the nomadic lifestyle of the Turkomans, has a very striking fabric with the splendid summerhouses built in gardens filled with vineyards, kitchen gardens and fruit trees by the conscious use of abundant water sources.
At the beginning of the 19th century, Safranbolu’s physical structuring reached the summit together with the Çarşı District where the Muslim population lived at the marketplace and its perimeter, the Kıranköy District where the Greek Orthodox subjects lived and the Bağlar District where they spent their summer months.

1.1. The Physical Structure of Safranbolu in the 18th Century
The Ottoman City overflowed the walls and formed at the edges of the Seljuk City. As I have stated above, after the Seljuk took over the city, they settled within the citadel and took control of the public space with the centre established Below the Citadel. The commercial structure of the Çarşı District was almost completed in the 17th century with the charities of Cinci Hoca first followed by those of Köprülü Mehmet Pasha. No doubt the Köprülü Mosque, New Hammam and Marketplace with the shops situated around and located in the center were fulfilling their social and commercial functions in such a way as to serve the rural population as well. The inns where nomads coming to the market would lodge and leave their animals were the other buildings serving the market. Another impressive feature of Safranbolu is that it solved the spatial problem created by its location within the canyon by placing the public buildings right at the very bottom of the canyon and at times even on the river itself. As for the Çarşı District, it was formed by single storey, single windowed shops that accommodate only two people and were brought together according to the guild order placed right around these buildings. The various vocational groups each located along a different street worked in a strict guild order. The street was named after the vocational group located on it and these names are still used to date: Göncüler Sokağı (Tanners Street), Kunduracılar Sokağı (Shoemakers Street), Kasaplar Sokağı, (Butchers Street) , etc. Each guild had its own coffee house where they performed their rituals, socialized and discussed matters related to their professions. Those at the Yemeniciler Arasta (Shoemakers Market) and Demirciler Çarşısı (Ironmongers Market) are still in good state and in service. Two physical heritages of Safranbolu’s two major economic functions have remained to date. One is the Cinci Han which is the most spectacular caravansary east of Istanbul and was commissioned by Cinci Hoca and the other is the tanneries area which is in extremely derelict condition and no longer functioning and causes distress rather than feelings of nostalgia.
The tanneries are positioned at the point where the Gümüş stream and the Akçasu come together and leave the city and use the water at that point. These features of the tanneries are one of the significant examples of an environment friendly physical structuring.
There are no squares in the Ottoman cities. The social areas in the Ottoman cities are only the mosques and their courtyards as a continuation of the Islamic tradition. There were also no official offices in the Ottoman City up until the 19th century and the officials used their own residences as their office. However, there were a significant number of buildings such as primary schools, madrases and dervish lodges providing public services. I have already mentioned that Safranbolu reached its socio-economic apex in the 18th century. It is especially necessary to mention the mosque and its income generating property, the clock-tower, the aqueduct that brought water to the city and the water network that Izzet Mehmet Pasha from Safranbolu, who later became the Grand Vizier, had built in the 18th century.
What is most important is that Safranbolu displays both urban and rural features? There are the Has fields on the higher flat areas above the canyons where Safranbolu is located. As a natural result of this, its half rural and half urban characteristic also reflected in the spatial structure of the houses.
The Ottoman City does not make use of the areas that are suitable for agriculture and generally locates on slopes. The dwelling fabric located on the slopes provided not only enough light and view to each residence but was also the right solution for the privacy issue. The use of the slope provides an easy solution to the clean and waste water systems. Ottoman cities that have an organic street fabric consisting of units bought together by neighborhood relations based on lineage. Although they were formed by families coming from different social status, until the 18th century, the appearance of the houses did not exteriorize this social difference. The dead-end street system with usually a fountain and generally a mesjid at the end created the possibility of providing the privacy of the neighboring units and their security when necessary in a sound manner. Due to the fact that neighboring units were connect to lineage, those of different religion, sect and ethic groups were living separately in different sections of the city and in villages that had close relations with the city (Cerasi 1999). I can give Kıranköy, Yazıköy and Yörük Köy which is a Bektashi village as an example to this. As with the Ottomans, in general, social class differences did not reflect on the physical aspect in pre-industrial communities. However, the Çeşme District known to have developed in the 18th century and situated on the eastern slope of the Citadel shows that Safranbolu’s urban fabric started to reflect social differences with the stately residences of the ruling class and the wealthy.
Due to the characteristics I have listed above, Safranbolu was an “industrial city” prior to industrialization as it had extensive external connections and logistical infrastructure. (Faroqhi 2003, 9-33) states that this is referred to as “protoindustrialization”. And the oldest known clock-tower of Anatolia commissioned by İzzet Mehmed Pasha is almost like its symbol.

1.2. Safranbolu Houses
Although their external façades are almost similar, it is necessary to group Safranbolu houses under three different categories. These are: the winter houses in the Çarşı (Marketplace) district, summerhouses in the Bağlar (Vineyards) district and the Greek Orthodox houses in the Kıranköy district. Three different house types with different characteristics have developed in three different settlements in Safranbolu as a result of the environmental and social differences. The Çarşı houses, whose majority belongs to the Muslim community, have in no way taken on commercial or artisanal functions. However, some houses such as the Beybağı (Asmazlar houses), Kaymakamlar (District Governors) House and the Pasha Konak were built as multi-functional residences comprising spaces required by the ruling class. It is believed that the few houses with shops or workshops on their ground floors at the Çarşı district today once belonged to the Greek-Orthodox citizens. As to Kıranköy, where the Greek Orthodox citizens lived, there is a shop or a workshop on the ground floors of almost all houses. In addition to this difference that can be perceived at a first glance, there are other distinct differences between the houses of the Muslims and the Greek Orthodox. There are spaces for winemaking and storing, ovens and prayer nooks at the Greek-Orthodox houses. Another characteristic is that while there is a passage only to the storage room, if any, from the rooms located around the “hayat” (ground floor living area) or the “sofa” (hall) in the Muslim houses, suite of rooms are common in the Greek-Orthodox houses. The most important characteristic of the Bağlar houses is their dimensions that are so large that they sometimes force the structure. The harmony between these houses and their well-watered gardens and the half-open shaded spaces that enrich life by carrying the heart-warming summer softness inside the houses are important characteristics. Rural characteristics are more prominent in the Bağlar houses. While the preparation of products from the meadows, fields, vineyards and orchards for the winter is carried out collectively, new spatial arrangements, in addition to the ones in the winter houses, necessary for especially the furnace required for these functions are seen.
The houses in Çarşı are located on the slopes of the canyons. As the barren soil of the canyons is not suitable for growing plants, the soil we see today was carried by camels and oxcarts and filled into the retaining walls. The vineries and orchards in the gardens of Çarşı make it look green in spite of its congested urban fabric. When the lots are analyzed today, it is seen that small lots of single houses are formed inside large lots due to the requirements of the gradually growing families or economic reasons. This is an indication that Çarşı was ingrowing as it gradually became congested.
The houses are built on rubble stonewalls adapted to the slope. Generally, the Ottoman houses place one façade on the street regardless of the size of the lot. It limits the relationship with the street on the ground floor except for a double wing door big enough for a loaded horse to go through. So much so that, walls on the street side continue as high garden walls and provide full privacy. The geometry of the ground floor does not only use the slope of the canyon as data but also accepts the non-orthogonal geometry created by the organic street fabric as it is. On the other hand, a three-dimensional relationship is established with the street through the çıkmas (consoles) and windows and thus, the ideal plan is achieved. The Safranbolu house is oriented to maximize the benefit from the sun and the view. Generally, wet area consoles that house the hela (toilet) and the abdestlik (ablution area) are located on the North. Therefore, these facades where the kubur (toilet hole) is placed below the wet-area consoles can be placed on the East or west as well, taking into account the direction of the slope of the canyon as well as the location of the neighboring houses. Until the 18th century Safranbolu can be considered as a settlement of as mud filled wooden frame houses over rubble stone walls placed on the slope of the canyon. At this point, we must imagine the Safranbolu house as a building with the “tahtani” (ground floor) and the “fevkani” (upper floor). The “ahır” (barn) or the “hazine” (store room) in the houses of the rich and the “taşlık” (hall with stone floor), where various material used for heating, mainly wood is stored, is located on the ground floor. The upper floor has two or three rooms located around a south facing “çardak” (pergola). One of these rooms is used as the “aşevi” (kitchen). The Safranbolu house with these characteristics is an exact “hayat house”. In Safranbolu, only the Mektepçiler House (Canbulat 2006) is dated definitely to the 18th century. All the other houses are known as 19th century buildings. Therefore, the Mektepçiler House is a good example of the above mentioned 18th century house.
There were no three-story buildings on the Ottoman lands until the 18th century. Following the 1858 Land Code, private ownership was accepted and the magnificent physical structure emerged due to the relatively liberal environment and its consequence that showing wealth should no more be feared. So much so that even the former dimensional limitations on the houses of the non-Muslims were lifted and grand residences competing with Muslim houses were built in Kıranköy. In the 18th century, one more floor was added on top of the fevkani that had permanent rooms around the hayat. According to the trends of the period and under the Western influence, almost all of the second floors comprise of rooms around an “orta sofa” (central hall). These plans called “orta sofalı” (with central halls) are the result of the baroque inspiration coming from Istanbul. The inspiration did not stop there. Neo-gothic (Victorian) wooden arched windows were fitted to the divans or the “şahnişins” (bay windows).
The most important characteristic of the Safranbolu houses is that they are created by “vernacular” architecture (architecture without architects) and they are entirely made of local materials. Vernacular architecture has continued to use old buildings’ elements within the context of a rigorous economy. What we today see as Safranbolu houses is a very valuable architectural heritage created by a practice of 3000 years.
I have already mentioned that Safranbolu houses are almost always built on a ground floor with rubble walls due to the slope of the canyon. Although these walls are constructed with clay mortar, little stone pieces called “çivilik” that result when the rubble stone is hammered into shape are hammered in the gaps between the large stones and wooden beams called “sar,” which are placed approximately every 120-130 cm, strengthen the walls against dynamic forces. The floors above the ground floor of the Safranbolu house are supported by a wooden frame made of yellow pine timbers and a few black pine timbers. When the frame is constructed, no wooden joints are used. The connections are made with wrought iron nails. These solutions for Safranbolu, which is on the North Anatolian Fault, are important characteristics that increase the earthquake resistance of the buildings. When we say in a simple manner “ground floor with rubble walls …” when explaining general characteristics, this sometimes causes important misunderstandings. The rubble stonewalls of the Safranbolu houses go up to the upper floors. These rubble stone walls on which furnaces are placed and the masonry chimneys that are a continuation of these walls are other solutions that increase the resistance of the building to lateral forces, especially earthquakes.
The wooden frame is generally filled with puddled clay and sometimes with wooden pieces.In later years, the wooden frame was filled with pieces of stone and lime mortar between framework timbers nailed from inside and outside on the wooden frame. This application is called “çakatura”.
The second floor emerged in the 18th century and as the plan schemes of the first and second floors were different, the structure of the Safranbolu house that had become faultless as a result of 7500 years of practice became problematic. Thanks to the foresight of the masters, the lath-and-plaster walls seen on the second floors, although not very widespread, were used to reduce the dead load of the building. However, the masters could not transfer the dead load of these floors with different structural schemes to the ground, and the collapses we commonly see in the Safranbolu houses were inevitable. There are many examples where a solution to this problem is sought in houses that were restored in the 20th century.
The roof of the Safranbolu house was covered with wooden boards called “pedavra” until the 19th century. After a big neighborhood fire, tile-kilns were opened in the region by the order of Abdurrahman Paşa, the governor of Kastamonu of the period, and tiled roofs that today we describe as the 5th façade of Safranbolu emerged.
The first floor ceiling of the Safranbolu house is quite low. This is the preferred floor during the winter because it is above the barn and is easily heated. In fact, these floors together with the ground floor are like the original example of the pre-18th century Safranbolu house. On this floor, there is usually a kitchen called the “aşevi” (kitchen) and a pantry called the “karanlık oda” (dark room) that is adjacent to the North wall. The sofa right in front of the kitchen was once probably a patio that was later closed to the outside. It functions as a place where the household or the women socialize and as an extension of the aşevi where they also prepare dough, dry fruits collectively.
If any, there are about 4 rooms and in some cases utility rooms called “ara oda” (middle room) around the orta sofa on the second floors that emerged in the 18th century. The ceilings of these floors are higher. The orta sofa opens to the exterior with a certain number of iwans or şahnişins. Again, the sofa that was open to the exterior in the beginning was closed by windows on this floor as well. Contrary to what is written in many sources, the Safranbolu family is not so large. The Safranbolu family, who is said to use birth control, comprises of 5-6 people of 3 generations. There is sometimes an adopted child in the houses of the wealthy. The reason for this error is the effort to determine the size of a family basing it on the space in order to give a function to the many rooms that emerged with the construction of the second floors. The native families of Safranbolu owned not only the has range but also the rice fields on the area where Kardemir is located today. Throughout history they used the yörüks who were settled in neighboring villages (previously timar holders) as sharecroppers. Thus, large families were not a social necessity. Therefore, it is worth to research how the small families that migrated to the Bağlar houses in the summer and used the lower floor in the winter, used the houses comprising of 10-15 separate spaces. I must say that when I spoke to the previous owners of the houses I restored, I was surprised to hear that some rooms were almost never used while others were used outside their main functions to store fruits and rice. In the same context, Safranbolu residents also cannot explain why the aşevi on the second floor was built in addition to the existing aşevi on the first floor. In the 18th century while the second floors were constructed, the half-open spaces of the Safranbolu houses were closed and some were converted into rooms.
There is no doubt that the most important spatial solution that makes the Safranbolu house unique is the “Havuzlu Divanhane” (reception room with pool). These spaces, which I believe to have no other example in the world, emerged as a result of the refined life style of the Safranbolu residents. At the beginning of the 19th century, Safranbolu residents created spectacular havuzlu divanhanes with sedirs, small aşevis and coffee making rooms placed around large and deep pools inside their large houses with gardens mostly in Bağlar or constructed kiosks with pools in their gardens.
Safranbolu rooms participate in the 24-hour cycle with full functionality in accordance with the sheltering of the nuclear family and comprise of the floor table brought and set up in the center, the sedirs onto which babies hold when learning to walk set along the lighted walls, bedding taken out of the yüklüks (large closet for bedding) at night and laid on the floor, the gusülhane (bathing cubicle) that suddenly emerges when the bedding is taken out. There is a fireplace in every room. Unfortunately the fireplace and the chimney are not developed in the Ottoman house. The chimneys consist of just simple canals located on the fireplace. Therefore, instead of warming up the space they cause the warm air to escape. They function as thick walls on the surfaces where closets are placed and rooms next to mud walls have earth-filled (“Bulgurlama”) floors and ceilings. These provide heat insulation but still we can assume that the best heat insulation is warm clothes. We also know that in the 19th century curtains were used for heat insulation at door entrances, on the walls and although it looks like a contradiction, in front of the fireplaces.
On the other hand the Safranbolu house makes intelligent use of natural ventilation. Not only are the outside of the rooms open for air circulation, but also uses the roof as a radiation shield by forming a “cold roof”. In Safranbolu where the temperature differs greatly between day and night the thick stonewalls on the floor and inside the buildings function to balance the heat.
We must visualize the Safranbolu house with windows where glass was not used until the 19th century. Besides the Mektepçiler, Kırımlılar Houses and another few houses I do not know, a second row of revzenli (leaded) windows are not used in the Safranbolu houses. In that case, we must consider that the “kara-kapak”s [shutters were always kept closed. The window frames without grooves or channels for mounting glass panels that I found during the restorations I made prove that cheesecloth with starch paste, which does not allow vision but lets the light in, was used in the Safranbolu house. In fact I know that this method continued to be used in the villages until the 1960s.
I assume that the dimensions of the Safranbolu room were determined by the optimization of the wooden load-bearers and the work and limitations created by functions. In the houses I restored, I observed that the architectural zira (Ottoman measurement unit, 0.757738 m) and its sub-unit parmak were carefully used in almost all building elements. Thus, we see that dimensions of the building materials that were enforced by the jurisprudence of the Qadi (Altınay 1981, 102–103, 109–111) were also observed in Safranbolu. Two important factors that formed and changed the geometry of the room in time are the sedirs and the windows. I believe that the standard dimensions of the wooden building materials, dimensions of the adobe blocks in line with them and the dimensions (8”x12” (25x38cm)) of the imported windowpanes is the source of window geometry and the 3-window pattern that we admire today. The sedirs that evolved from floor mats to chair dimensions and the window moldings that had to rise due to them are other changes. In the houses that I restored, I observed that they generally went through important alterations in periods of 60 years. The study to determine the age of wood that we conducted with the Dendrochronology Laboratory of the Faculty of Forestry of Istanbul University proves this.
Accordingly, in the houses that were built in the last quarter of the 18th century and renovations conducted following fires, the first change in the 19th century classical Ottoman house was reached. In the beginning of the 20th century, which is the following phase, we come across modern houses where the closets are taken down, doors placed at an angle of 45 degrees are straightened and the door and wall curtains are no longer used. No doubt stoves and electricity also came to be used in these houses. It is possible that with the entrance of furniture, notably table and chairs and bedstead, the need for a larger space arose and this problem was solved with the removal of closets. Again during the same period the wealthy converted the windows into sash windows starting with the main bedroom and removed the kara-kapaks. The plastered areas of the houses also increased. The change that we valued as the previous period until this point gave way to degeneration. All muşabaks (lattice window) were removed according to a government decree after the Republic in line with the ideal to remove the women from behind the screens. This is an important memory of the Safranbolu house. During my oral history studies conducted with the Safranbolu gentry I learned that some people glued newspaper strips in the same way on the windowpanes when they had to remove the muşabaks. All Arabic scripts on the rosettes on the facades of the houses were whitewashed following the alphabet reform, again with a government decree. The reason I had difficulty in removing the paint during restoration was that oil paint was given to people to beautify their houses before President Celal Bayar visited Safranbolu.

2. Preservation Efforts in Safranbolu (1930s — 1990s)

Safranbolu that was neither seriously affected by the War of Independence nor underwent occupancy could not withstand the economic blows that followed one another. Making flat heeled shoes for the soldiers during the War of Independence was probably the last important job carried out by the tanneries and shoe makers of Safranbolu. Although they generally allege that their leather working technology was stolen by French and Austrian industrial spies, the real reason was that the West had developed leather working techniques using inorganic chemicals and hence earned competitive advantage. In addition, the tanneries and the production of goods made from leather ended because they could not find workers due to the technological tanneries established at Gerede and at Kazlıçeşme in Istanbul, the Beykoz Leather and Shoe Factory and the Karabük Iron and Steel Enterprises attracting almost all of the manpower (Aktüre & Şenyapılı, 1976, 73). The technological leather factory investment observed as a final attack around the beginning of the 20th century was closed down due to both the difficulties of operation and not finding workers. The ruins of the technological leather factories standing at the foot of the canyons today are like a symbol of Safranbolu’s inability to industrialize.
Caravan operations that were the most important economic function of Safranbolu lost all of their importance with the completion of the Gerede-Safranbolu Highway in 1954, the developing highway networks and the Ankara-Zonguldak railroad. With the loss of the economic function, the importance of Safranbolu’s location on the caravan route was lost, too. The 500 – 600 Paphlagonian mules that came onto the scene of history for the first time in Homer’s Iliad also lost their jobs (Yazıcıoğlu 2001, 128).
The Greek-Orthodox population in Kıranköy moved to Greece starting from the 1920s. The Muslims coming from Rhodes within the scope of the exchange of population could not get well established in Safranbolu and migrated to other places shortly after.
According to the first census conducted in 1927 the population of Safranbolu was only 5.218. Although the first train came to Karabük on June 1, 1934, and the Karabük Iron and Steel Enterprises whose ground breaking was conducted on April 3, 1937, produced its first lot of iron on September 10, 1939, Safranbolu still kept losing population. The wealthy notables of Safranbolu who had already sold their rice fields for the Karabük Iron and Steel Enterprises collected their capital and work skills and migrated to large cities and mainly Istanbul. Those who remained lost their capital as they could not produce added value. According to the census of 1945, the urban population of the city had gone down to 5.164. At this stage, Safranbolu had shrunk to the status of only a local marketplace and administrative centre (Yazıcıoğlu 2001; Aktüre & Şenyapılı 1976).
In 1927 Safranbolu was separated from the Kastamonu Sanjak and placed under the rule of the Zonguldak Province.

2.1. Shelter City (1930s-1970s)
Safranbolu that had lost its most important economic functions and consequently its capital and adult manpower had now become a small isolated town. Safranbolu’s yield due to its being an administrative centre and market place also shrank with Karabük, Ulus and Eflani becoming townships. Only the elderly couples who could not leave Safranbolu and their daughters who were still single remained in the town in those years. The Safranbolu houses were almost vacant and enveloped in silence.
Turkey’s first heavy industry investment, the Karabük Iron and Steel Enterprises (KDÇİ) whose Project phase started in the 1930s started producing iron in 1939. The staff requirements of KDÇİ were procured from mainly the area as well as from all over Turkey. The families who came to work at KDÇİ from the outside began to settle in the Çarşı houses as tenants. These were soon joined by the shift workers who were picked up by buses from the neighboring villages. The Çarşı houses with 10-14 spaces turned into çatal ev (consociate house) As I have mentioned above, Kıranköy was now completely deserted as the Muslims who had come from Rhodes had already left. Some time later, the Safranbolu people left the Çarşı area completely selling their houses to those who had made some money working at KDÇİ and moved to Bağlar. (Aktüre & Şenyapılı 1976, 82) The findings of the research conducted with a sampling of 1.4% by students in 1975 are as follows: Most of the Çarşı population was workers (44%) living in their own houses (81%) and coming from Safranbolu villages (53.4%); in Kıranköy mostly workers (36%) and employees (36%), living in their own houses (54%) and from Safranbolu itself (57.8%) ; in Bağlar mostly workers (31%), living in their own houses (78%) and from Safranbolu itself (68%).
At the speech he made at the Safranbolu Architectural Values and Folklore Week held on 30 August – 5 September 1975 Kızıltan Ulukavak said, “Safranbolu is the first place that comes into the mind of every citizen who cannot find a solution for his housing requirement in Karabük and hence Safranbolu is gaining new inhabitants everyday…. Today Safranbolu is welcoming citizens coming not only from neighboring villages and townships such as Çerkeş, Ovacık, Eskipazar, Ulus, Eflani, Araç but also from all parts of the country such as Kırşehir, Gümüşhane….” (Ulukavak 1975)
Aytekin Kuş relates the efforts made by local administrators to find new economic functions for Safranbolu and their struggles to keep the town alive (Kuş, 2009). Moreover, efforts made by Safranbolu to maintain its urban unity under the attraction of Karabük and the struggle made for this is highly informative. In fact, there was a time when separating Bağlar from Safranbolu and making it a separate township came on the agenda. As the new settlements rapidly drifted to the has tarla, that we call Emek Mahallesi today, the local administrators of Safranbolu made efforts to keep official institutions such as the Government Office, municipality, etc., in the Çarşı District (Kuş 2009, 314). Although the Governmental Office was once transferred to Kıranköy, it relocated in Çarşı where it stayed until it burned down in 1976. The Municipality Office was in the Çarşı area until the 1990s.

2.2. Preservation Years (1970s — 1990s)
City Planner Bürhan Arif Ongun, who made the first master plan of Safranbolu (Ongun 1936, 66–68) said: In 1936 Safranbolu “…This creating residential zones, densely here in humid areas shows that she has had not an architectural sense and no development of woodworking experience in her history in good techniques, contrary to other cities of Central Anatolia …Here Using wood in primitive ways was more important instead of with good workmanship … Experiencing the neutral experience of the nature, gives us a negative impression that she should be left in her present position again .” He continues, under the heading “General View,” “Safranbolu, is one of our very cute towns with its white colored houses located around the citadel in its center. There is no meaning to demolish this part whose past was lost in the past ages, while a new and hygienic settlement to be developed in time. As we will explain in the following chapters, a brief cleaning around the mosques should be satisfied
; here should be left over with all her histories traces except the removing of shabby kiokses without any architectural value.” It is clear that Ongun did not like Safranbolu and was determined to establish a new city on the has tarla. He continues to say, “In the table showing the ratios of the professions of the population, 50% a of the majority) are greengrocers and fruit sellers.
In the 1340 (1921-1922 AD) Yearbook of Kastamonu, although the exports of Safranbolu were almost twice its imports (860 560 lira / 488 900 lira) all of it was made up of agricultural products except for some leather, cowhide leather and fur (10%). Apparently Safranbolu was now an agricultural town.Ultimately Ongun (Ongun 1936, 71–72) writes that the new Safranbolu must develop in the has tarla with its center being the old church and square at Kıranköy. And continues, “7- For the Çarşı which has been long dead, demolishing and expropriation like corrective solutions should not be considered, ever. 8- The wooden shops in Çarşı being with ten square meter field area and with clumsy construction … corresponding to those shops immediately the construction of masonry replacements should be started in has tarla.” and leaves Çarşı to decline. It is definite that it was the nomads who were obliged to take shelter and who with time took possession of the houses where they resided that kept old Safranbolu alive. As I mentioned above, the most important reason that the historical buildings remained almost without any deterioration up until the 1970s is the fact that the houses had both urban and rural features. This characteristic, while it enabled the nomads to participate in urban life, it also enabled them not to make concessions from their rural habits.
If you go back and take a look at the explanations of Ongun about the master plan of Çarşı, you will realize that he did not think the historical town was worth tearing down. These pleasant contingencies are what carried Safranbolu to the 1970s.
The first sensitivity (İller Bankası 1968, 111) on the institutional preservation of Safranbolu was the report prepared for the project competition that was made for the Karabük and Safranbolu Development Plans. This report stated, “The unique character of the old town region must be kept intact, even if the buildings in this area wear out, they should be restored with their exterior appearance preserved”. Moreover, 106 “Historical Buildings” were determined and registered one by one (İller Bankası 1968, 38–39). The report also states, “The producers bring their goods to the markets set up on certain days and sell them to the retail consumer.” This shows that in spite of the unfavorable conditions, Çarşı still survived as an agricultural center at the end of the 1960s. At the end, the proposal project by Gündüz Özdeş won the first place and he prepared the Karabük-Safranbolu Development Plan. In the project, along with preserving the administrative and commercial region features of the Çarşı District without changing anything, the surroundings and the has tarla were evaluated as new housing regions. A “proposal” business zone west of Kıranköy was also proposed for the newly developing housing areas around it. While Özdeş gave a central function to Karabük, he designed Safranbolu more as a housing region.
Only 5 years had gone by, nevertheless Gündüz Özdeş’s plan was becoming a problem for the Safranbolu dweller [Ulukavak 2005, 44), “…This plan that designated Safranbolu as a housing region and Karabük as business and trade center evaluated the two town centers together … there could not be a connection between the two towns.” Following this due to the persistent pressure from the Safranbolu residents, the change of the development plan was commissioned to İdil Baran by negotiated tendering. The modified plan was approved and took effect in 1975.
During the “Safranbolu Architectural Values and Folklore Week” in 1975, Baran who presented a paper with Cengiz Bektaş said after the plan, “ …the bazaar of the Old-town [Çarşı District) hinterland, where the administrative and trade center is located, is in a decline which could put an end to its function. This district was left to a social group with lesser means coming from the villages by either renting or selling. This has created another erosion factor that facilitates the wearing of the site”. However, following this confirmation, the owner of the plan did not come forward with any suggestions. It is obvious that the Modified Development plan does not include a solution for the Çarşı.
In the meantime, on 12 June 1975, the Safranbolu Town Council took a decision that said, “…all restorations and alterations considered should be made as restorations that do not damage the old architecture, especially at the town center…” Another unanimous decision, “The municipality is entitled to have the owner of all kinds of buildings repair the old plasters and whitewash the building or do the repairs and charge the owner. Buildings without the plasterwork or whitewash completed will not be given habitation permits or other restoration permits…” was added to the end of the building bylaws. As can be seen, although the decision is rather for embellishment purposes, it is pronounced as “…the first example of a local administration document that shows the need and sensitivity to creating an urban protected area in Turkey” (Kuş 2003, 20–23).
The Council of Europe announced 1975 as the European Architectural Heritage Year. The Turkish Foreign Ministry authorized the İTÜ (Istanbul Technical University) and MTRE (The Institute of Architectural History and Restoration) to organize Turkey’s participation at the European Architectural Heritage Year. Yavuz İnce, who was aware of the values of Safranbolu at the time when he worked as an architect at the KDÇİ (Karabük Iron and Steel Enterprises), made evaluations for a period of time with an informed , both in Safranbolu and in Karabük, and discussed how they could preserve Safranbolu. At the Preservation of the Historical Environment Seminar (İnce 1975) between 19-20 June 1975 at İTÜ, Yavuz İnce said, “socioeconomic changes damage the relation between man and housing, …Efforts towards the preservation of the historical urban fabric cannot stop the cities that are the product of folk culture from disappearing… We agree that the efforts to get organized led by the establishment of MTRE are an important phase. To increase the effectiveness of this organization it is necessary to have this organization expand its activities together with local organizations”. Later in his presentation he stated that a restoration he had realized a short while ago was praised by the Safranbolu residents and suggests a series of measures. In fact, his restoration project of the Nezihe Aycan’s Emin Hocazade Ahmet Bey House in Bağlar is an important milestone in the preservation of Safranbolu. This restoration that the public approached with discredit at the beginning at the end turned out to be a source of credit. At the end of the seminar, which I will refer to as remarks and suggestions, Gönül Tankut asks, “The town has lost its intense activities that it has experienced throughout history. How can it be given functions and vitality again?” Yavuz İnce replies, “Tourism has been adopted…” Ümit Serdaroğlu takes the floor and asks, “With respect to the increasing population, can other means besides tourism be looked into?” Nezih Eldem, with a great foresight, warns, “Preservation, in addition to preserving the physical look with a great sensitivity must have a place in the socioeconomic plan decisions in order to gain a dynamic content. … preservation methods must be discussed. This is done in the West…” (İnce 1975, 13).
Ulukavak (Ulukavak 2005, 83) explains that when they met with Yavuz İnce for the first time in June 1975, they discussed the possible cooperation between MTRE and the Municipality of Safranbolu. The meeting, whose name would later be designated as “Safranbolu Architectural Values and Folklore Week”, was once again a first in Turkey. The meeting was held between 30 August and 5 September during the same year and was an important activity for the people of Safranbolu to understand the heritage value of what they possessed. Besides, the foremost academicians of Turkey, a significant number of writers, illustrators and the upper level bureaucrats from the ministries, led by the Ministry of Culture, came to Safranbolu. The guests were received and treated with hospitality in the houses. The residents of Safranbolu hosted an unforgettable event, shared their problems and established permanent and reliable friendships.
At the end of her article describing the week, Fersan (Fersan 1976) lists foreseen and suggested works to be done under the headings Short Term Initiatives and Long Term Initiatives and states that “a commission that will define all architectural values of the town and be in continuous cooperation with the Municipality” and adds, “…From the point of our Institute, it is pleasing that it caused a new awareness raising breakthrough for preservation and opened up an opportunity for the Safranbolu residents to adopt this important problem. As from the point of almost two hundred specialists that attended the week, they not only saw a Turkish town that could preserve the best examples of the Anatolian-Turkish civil architecture almost entirely for years but also the possibility to live with people with the typical behaviors of the traditional Turkish hospitality in the same space and find interesting issues for their research by contacting them directly. Besides, we believe that this week, more than anything else, was the first step in drawing attention to many of our towns that have managed to preserve their traditional fabric and that are important for the architectural and historical values in Turkey.”
At the same seminar, Ulukavak (Ulukavak 1975) concluded his presentation by saying, “… I want to point out that we must not be too strict on the issue of preserving architectural values of the town and keeping the outlook of the town as is… A town, according to us, no matter how much architectural values it has, no matter how important it is historically, must not be condemned to stay in a look that will please only the outsiders who come to see it, the residents of that town must also be happy with their lives… Therefore, urban roads wide enough for motor vehicles to reach their houses or get near them, a few parking spaces for vehicles to park and decent roads instead of irregular cobblestone roads are main longings of Safranbolu… wooden daraba stores with an area of 3-4 square meters inside the Çarşı may have survived for a century but we do not believe that with their present situations they are any good or are a security for neither their owners nor the town. Similarly, we want the roads within the neighborhoods that even as one ways do not allow the passage of a single motor vehicle to be widened.” Although this approach ignores the socioeconomic problems of the Çarşı, in fact it is a sincere wish to raise the standard of living of people living there. In fact the first works already started at Dibekönü in May 1974. The Memurevleri–Dibekönü Road, the Arslanlar-Kavaklar-Çakmakçayırı- Köyiçi – Müftüpınarı – Çampınarı-Arslanlar bus route was widened, the Köyiçi Kurtuluş Square and a square around the Kazdağlı Mosque at Çarşı were opened. The Ministry of Housing approved İdil Baran’s project for a square at Çarşı and 14 houses and stores were pulled down (Ulukavak 2005, 56–60). Another project of the Ulukavak period that would have negative effects on Çarşı was the “Municipal Marketplace and Open Marketplace” project that was planned to serve the new settlements at the has tarla. The Marketplace that was opened on 11 November 1980 initiated the process of the Çarşı District loosing its final function (Ulukavak 2005, 40–41).
Then, on 8 October 1976, the High Council of Immovable Heritage and Monuments issued a set of principles and rules for the “Construction Conditions” to be applied until the preservation and development plan of Safranbolu was finished. The Safranbolu residents did not accept the decision of the Construction Conditions that stated that lots, especially in Bağlar, had to be a minimum of 2000 m2 and they worked hard for it to be changed. The decision was changed as 1000 m2 (Ulukavak 2005, 88–89) but this in time – unfortunately – would cause the building density to increase in Bağlar.
On 23 September 1976, in a protocol concluded between the representatives of the İTÜ Faculty of Architecture and the Ministry of Culture, the task of preparing the Safranbolu Development Plan for Preservation was given to the Istanbul Technical University. The Safranbolu Development Plan for Preservation, which was the second preservation plan in Turkey after Bodrum, started its planning activities with Prof. Dr. Doğan Kuban as the Project Administrator.
Due to the points made by Kuban, which could be called the principles of the first Development Plan for Preservation of Safranbolu, I conclude that Kuban (2001, 187–2009) saw Safranbolu as a stabile structure. “Thinking of he town as a single monument…”, “The main entity that we want to secure is the historical structure whose alteration we will minimize. We believed that this could be possible by having the people accept the cultural importance of the physical entity to be preserved without blurring the goals of preservation with socioeconomic priorities of the modern life” and continued “…Fundamental changes in the social structure and the population of the town were not expected.” In the footnote (Kuban 2001, 190) of this text prepared for a seminar in 1985 Kuban underlined, “This forecast proved to be true until now.” Finally, he said, “The importance given to social sciences in relation to the preservation of historical cities has been a little exaggerated. These surveys are a means of determining the possible behavior of the public to get satisfying results during application. However, they do not change the physical nature of the intervention because the basic aim of preserving historical buildings is artistic” and “instead of transforming an ordinary planner into a person interpreting tradition and shaping the future, accepting possible mistakes that may occur in design will be a better approach”.
Development plans for preservation essentially aim to preserve the historical city as is. However, this is an approach that reduces the city, a very dynamic and varied and before anything else a living entity as it is man-made, into “monument-like”. This approach ultimately does not allow the historical city to be “sustainable”.
The Official Safranbolu Preservation Decision became operational on 8 October 1978. The list of buildings that were to be preserved was published in the Official Gazette of 2 May 1985. The İTÜ Revolving Fund Project that was started under the administration of Doğan Kuban and Metin Sözen was completed by Ismet Okyay and was approved on 27 November 1990. Along with the plan, the Çarşı and Bağlar districts were determined to be Urban and Natural Site Areas.
Under the heading “Preservation of the Historical Environment From the Point of Economy” Okyay (6–8) said, “Although initially they are seen as only cultural decisions, decisions of preservation and planning of the historical environment are within the urban development as a whole and the economic aspect of the phenomenon will always be important”. (Okyay, 8–12) Under the heading “Sociologic Approaches to the Preservation of Urban Site Areas” Okyay says, “in relation to the urban site areas whose preservation is considered imperative, one of the issues that urban sociology emphasizes are the changes that the community demands will make on the physical space during the change process”. On the following pages (Okyay, 11) he says, “The second big mistake during planning is treating the old city centers as if they were new city centers. Old city centers do not have the capacity to support new urban functions. Although spectacular historical buildings are located there, they are treated as if they are the real centers. This mistake was tried to be avoided in the Safranbolu development plan for preservation.”
However, (Okyay, 21) the conclusion paragraph of the report is very interesting. “Today in Safranbolu the awareness of change rather than of the preservation of history has developed. The middle-income population (41%) makes new attempts to reach a certain comfort (housing cooperatives), but cannot take the chance of preservation and appropriate renewal (renovation). They do not believe in renovating their house in an old outdated area where no attempts are made for spatial organizations that show any renewal. They think that living in a renovated house located in a slummed, sad urban space is not satisfactory. They discredit orders and a static preservation plan that may be equipped with setbacks due to bureaucracy. It seems that there is no other solution but to show that the problem is not as such by providing tangible public interest and beautified spaces.”
It looks like 15 years after the Safranbolu Architectural Values and Folklore Week, Safranbolu is in a completely different situation. In the “Urban Regulations”, the preservation decisions ranging from buildings to the green fabric, from the street paving, materials and profiles to the garden walls were formulated with a very sensitive approach.The measures that should be taken for beautifying and preserving the appearances of a large number of streets and squares have been proposed with the same sensitivity under the heading of “Arrangement Proposals”.
As I mentioned above, providing functions to urban site areas and enabling them to be sustainable is not (cannot be) the function of development plans for preservation. From this point of view and taking into account his above-mentioned ideas, we should sympathize with Okyay’s views.
Hence, the Safranbolu that we see today is the result of these processes.

3. Threats Confronted by Safranbolu as a “Tourist-Historic” City (After the 1990s)

As a general discourse it is stated that preservation in Safranbolu started in 1975 with the decision of the Municipal Council I have stated above. In actual fact the MTRE (Institute of History of Architecture and Restoration) had virtually determined Safranbolu as a field of study with an even more comprehensive approach and accomplished a very important achievement. I am referring to this simply as “raising awareness”.
As I have mentioned above, the shift workers of the Karabük Iron and Steel Enterprises that were transported by busses in the 1960s created a serious housing demand. Considering that a whole generation had gone by and emotional ties had slackened and that even the all imposing grandmother in the house had passed away, it is very easy to understand how easy it was for them to sell their houses in the Çarşı District to workers.This was the first handover. I attach importance to the new owners of Çarşı due to the mission they undertook. The route of the shift workers’ transportation included the hinterland of Safranbolu and these people were sharing the same cultural area with Safranbolu’s urban dwellers. This new urban dweller was very much open to enlightenment. Due to its nature and its desire, this group fulfilled a very important function in the preservation of Safranbolu. First of all, they settled in the city conscientiously and with application. I have to point out that with time this group reached a qualified worker’s awareness while at the same time maintaining its relations with the rural population. It is at this point that the Safranbolu houses gave them the opportunity to participate in urban living without breaking away from their rural characteristics. In one of my articles I explained this as, “They came with their bundles and cows and gave life to the shell,” (Canbulat 2008, 90). It is this group that was embraced by MTRE, or embraced MTRE. We owe deep gratitude to both MTRE and the inhabitants of Safranbolu of the period in the person of Mayor Kızıltan Ulukavak for their efforts in this process. In fact, after all of these, the “Official Heritage Disclosure ” was constituted with the participation of all sectors of the society and enabled the preservation of Safranbolu for a long period of time.
It is interesting to note that Safranbolu that once again become a centre of attraction at that time began to get migration. A new Safranbolu was being established. A large housing area developed northwest of the Çarşı District particularly through the use of the method of forming cooperatives and the geometric centre shifted to Kıranköy.
We must take another look at the process of the centre of Safranbolu shifting to Kıranköy. The zoning plan prepared by Gündüz Özdeş handled Karabük and Safranbolu together and not only the northwest of Kıranköy but also the Şahbalı Mevkii northeast of the historical town, i.e.the area between Safranbolu and Yazıköy, were zoned for construction. This solution took into consideration that the Çarşı District had to be in the geometric centre in order for it to become a secondary centre beside Karabük. Settlements that surrounded it on the northwest, north and northeast would use the Çarşı District as a centre. Although few buildings were built at the Şahbalı area in later periods, they were criticized because they damaged the landscape with their silhouette. Development in this area stopped after some time as it could not compete with Kıranköy. I have already stated above that administrative functions had moved to Kıranköy. Today, the Çarşı District is no longer in the centre of the town but in the periphery.
Safranbolu’s attraction centre characteristic has not slackened with the influence of Karabük’s developing economy. Finally, Safranbolu will start to receive intensive migration from settlements not previously connected to Safranbolu, from other cultural basins such as Ovacuma, Abdipaşa and Ulus in the north as well as Ovacık, Eskipazar and Yenice.
In the 1980s, statements against the “Official Heritage Disclosure” were gaining votes in the local elections. On the other hand, the Çarşı District had completely fallen out of favor. The second owners of the houses had died and many heirs owned the konaks. A new change of ownership came at issue. While those who owned the Çarşı District in the 1950s and 1960s moved to apartments in Emek, they sold or leased their real estate to new Safranbolu dwellers. Today, it is these new urban dwellers that make up the social structure of the Çarşı District. This means that we have really come to the end of the “Official Heritage Disclosure”.
Up until the 1990s, preservation was not on the agenda of neither those elected nor those appointed. Attempts were made to direct the developments of the Preservation Law and the Development Plan for Preservation prepared by İsmet Okyay. In this period, three important projects realized by the Ministry of Culture changed Safranbolu’s appearance. These were the restorations of the Shoemaker’s Arasta (the covered part of the market where shops of the same trade are built in a row), the Office of the Provincial District Governors and the improvement projects realized at the Government Office and the streets Behind the Arasta. Despite the fact that years have passed since these three projects, they continue to brighten the appearance of Safranbolu. The opening of the “City Historical Museum” by restoring the Historical Governmental Office that burned in 1976 has been another important acquisition.
At the time when the interest of Safranbolu’s elected turned to the new city, management of the preservation was taken over by the appointed. If we don’t take into account the few restoration implementations realized by private individuals who used their own resources, we can easily say that almost all of the restoration activities have been realized with the support and financing provided by the state. The restorations of almost all of the official and public buildings of Safranbolu have been completed in one way or another. The monetary support of the state still continues.

3.1. De-industrialization
Safranbolu has been deeply affected by the privatization of the Karabük Iron and Steel Enterprises on March 30, 1995 and its restructuring. Following privatization in 1995, the labor force totaling 13.269 people in 1981 went down to 4.289 (Bulungiray, 2006). This means that approximately 9000 people quit just from KDÇİ. On the other hand, a serious number of industrial and commercial enterprises that worked in the network provided by the enterprise as well as a large number of people who worked in this network quit this network left it. The labor force that dropped out of these should also be considered. This is a de-industrialization in the full sense (Çevik 2003). We know that almost 9.000 resigned and that an important number among these remained in Safranbolu. Today, Safranbolu is a city of retired people. In contrast to the tourism income of approximately TL 2.5 million, I have calculated that the pensions amount to a sum of around TL 7.5 million. At present, Safranbolu’s most important economic income is the pensions.

3.2. Cultural Tourism in Safranbolu
The early 1990s were the years when significant advances were realized on the path for Safranbolu becoming a touristic city. The Turkish Touring and Automobile Association restored the Havuzlu Asmazlar Konak and began operating it as a hotel. The Home Lodging Houses Development Center was established during the same years through the initiative of the Provincial District Governor Muammer Aksoy. Innovators entered the tourism sector by restoring some konaks. The foundation steps of the Çarşı District’s presentday socioeconomic status were also taken at this period. On one hand a young retired population who got their compensation and premiums, on the other, businessmen whose capital and work force is no longer in use began to go into the tourism sector with no plans or feasibility studies. At times on their own and sometimes forming groups, the businessmen of Safranbolu made serious investments in what we estimate to be about 2650 beds today. Finally, the unplanned or lack of programs of the liberal economy have dragged Safranbolu to its present-day situation. The increase in bed capacity still continues and increased 15-fold between 1997 and 2009, while the number of nights spent only increased 3-fold. What is more serious than this is the fact that the average ratio of occupancy in 2001-2009 was only 18%.
Tourists spend a very short time in Safranbolu. Research conducted over 474 subjects revealed that average stay was 1.65 day. Efforts conducted to diversify tourism so as to spread it equally through the week and months have not brough serious achievements to date.
When Safranbolu started tourism, it was marketing through travel agencies. However, this was the cause of its getting caught in the mass tourism spiral even at the beginning. The dream of every hotelier is to have a bed capacity that can take a bus load of 40-45 persons. As a result of this, there are enterprises formed from a minimum of 2 konak hotels with a total of 20 beds with an average of 3 beds in each room. This is how the “Numaralı Konak” (Numbered Konak) hotels came to being in Safranbolu.
Today, approximately TL 27 million has been spent to restore about 90 historical houses of Safranbolu and they are being operated as konak hotels. A total of 630 rooms and a bed capacity of 1500 has been created in these konaks. On the other hand, one of the most important reasons for Safranbolu being on the UNESCO World Heritage List is the fact that it is “a Living City” under serious threat. The course of things points to all konaks being used for tourism purposes. The structuring aimed at high density ignores the irrevocable damage to the konaks (Canbulat, 2010).
Today culture tourism in the world has taken the form of mass tourism (WTO 2001, 148). Mass tourists prefer low priced products and rapidly consume such tourism destinations that are in this spiral (Orbaşlı 2000, 58–60, 128-). Another negative aspect of culture tourism that has turned to mass tourism is the fact that tour operators prefer to take the tourists around the heritage area but have them stay in the cheaper hotels in the surrounding rather than in the historic city. This has started to be observed in Safranbolu, too. Accommodation of the West Black Sea tours marketed at very low prices started to drift towards accommodation facilities outside Safranbolu.
Despite the quality of the restoration of konak hotels, some major preservation mistakes are also being made. For example, hotel operators can put “Mirrored Ceilings” in the stables in order to meet the expectations of their low culture level guests (Ashworth & Tunbridge 2000, 66). In many of the konak hotels the thick rubble stone walls of the ground floors have been pulled down completely or partially and spaces have been connected to one another to created light and spacious (!) common areas. Such interventions not only ruin the architectonic of the buildings but also seriously decrease earthquake resistance.
There is a cut-throat price competition among the different operations which is a natural outcome of unprofitability. Inevitably, this reflects in degradation in service quality (Orbaşlı 2000, 39). As a result, Safranbolu is rapidly heading towards the point of satisfying only the tourist that has a limited budget.
In contrast to the extreme inflation in accommodation facilities, there are either no tourist facilities such as restaurants, cafés, bars, discos that will make Safranbolu a tourism destination or they are not diversified enough to meet the requirements of different income groups. Therefore, the Safranbolu heritage area is toured and completed in a very short time. This is one of the other reasons why stays in Safranbolu are short.
Almost all of the culture tourists in the world visit museums in the places they go. It was very appropriate to restore the historical government office that burned and give it the function of the City Historical Museum, however, the objects displayed are very few. Most of these objects date of the 20th century. Therefore, they are far from representing an urban culture of 1500 years. The major reasons for this are the facts that the social structure of the area has changed three times in the last 80-90 years and that no archaeological excavations have been conducted in the area. The tanneries that fulfilled one of the most important economic functions of Safranbolu in the past are in ruins. Although industrial museums are very popular nowadays, Safranbolu has not been able to establish a leather tanning museum yet. The Provincial District Governors Museum House is an important example of Ottoman konaks. If the tourist who comes to Safranbolu is only a day-tripper, he/she can leave without seeing the interior of a house. A large number of konak hotels are now far from representing the Ottoman house. There is no way that someone can “visualize” the life style of an Ottoman family in this konak hotel in which all the common areas have been turned into bedrooms. One of the important accomplishments is the New Hammam that was restored and put in operation recently. Going to the hammam is a very attractive experience, especially for foreign guests. Another deficiency of the Safranbolu Heritage Area is that it does not have a tour plan and direction signage. Consequently, the culture tourist cannot utilize the Safranbolu Heritage Area completely. Tourists overlook the Kıranköy and Bağlar Districts.
The only handicraft that is still maintained in Safranbolu is shoemaking (Orbaşlı, 2000, 185). Unfortunately, it is being kept alive by a single shoemaker. The efforts for developing shoemaking were not successful. The “model houses” that emerged in the 1990s rapidly became “commodities” and were transformed into poor quality kitsch objects that were copies of copies. The other souvenirs sold are either objects of Southeast Asian origin sold throughout the world or textile products sold everywhere in Turkey. There is almost no tourist who comes to Safranbolu and leaves without buying Turkish delight. I am afraid that it will also soon become a tasteless commodity.
The culture tourist wants to get to know the intangible cultural heritage of those living in the heritage area he/she is visiting (Timothy & Nyaupane 2009, 9-10). Even local food culture is at a point where it is becoming problematic. Although Safranbolu has a rich food culture, just like in many similar places, local cuisine remains within the stuffed wine leaves, gözleme (Turkish pancake), mantı (Turkish ravioli) trio. For example, you cannot find a dish with saffron in the menus. Being a destination of mass tourism and the fact that mass tourism demands rapid and cheap consumption is effective at this point, too. The fact that Safranbolu’s rich folksong tradition is kept alive by amateur musicians who come together in the evenings at the coffeehouse at the Shoemaker’s Arasta is the sharing of perhaps the only valuable intangible cultural heritage in Safranbolu.
At the point we have reached, both the operators and the administrators are looking for solutions. However, they have not been successful because they have not been able to come to a consensus and therefore, have not been able to reach holistic solutions. Safranbolu continues to attract day-trippers due to actors who have no idea about Touristic-Historic City management and generating promotion and marketing policies without setting goals (McKercher & du Cros 2002, 201-) The day-daytrippertripper gives most of the damage in the public spaces and the market. The physical structure of the Çarşı is under threat due to the parallel and distorted approach observed in the souvenir and service sectors. The tradesmen of the Çarşı, regardless of whether they sell souvenirs or tea-coffee, have completely invaded the public space. So much so that it is impossible to even walk in the streets on week-ends and holidays. What is even more important is that the architectural and urban fabric can no longer be perceived as a result of the overflowing stalls and tables placed on the streets and the awnings covering them?
Unfortunately, a good heritage area for a tourist may not always be good for the heritage area. Especially if the restorations and services are shaped according to the wishes and tastes of insensible tourists, then it negatively influences the sustainability of the architectural heritage (Orbaşlı, 2000, 47-51). The patina that attracted the tourist at the onset eventually disappears and the “Genius Loci” is lost. The new fabric that will eventually come up will no longer be attractive.
As I have analyzed under the preservation heading, the Çarşı District has been connected to Karabük over Kıranköy with new or enlarged roads and a square has been created by expropriation conducted around Kazdağlı Mosque. These interventions were enough for the center to be invaded by motor vehicles. The historical centre comes to a standstill particularly on weekends and holidays. The noise, vibration and pollution created by motor traffic as well as the confusion brought by cars parked haphazardly destroys the silent and peaceful atmosphere that those who are visiting the historical city deserve and does not even allow taking a proper photograph of the heritage area.
Today, some of the major heritage areas in the world are no longer being promoted. In case they are, this is being done very carefully after special targets are set. Heritage areas are delicate entities. Especially if they are places where people live, we must keep in mind that human systems are not renewable. Therefore, special attention must be given to all interventions to be conducted in heritage areas. Just as through history, 5000-6000 people are living in the Çarşı District nowadays. Approximately 12000 people including day-day can come to the Çarşı District at high season, holidays and Saturdays. “Environmental Capacity” is an important datum from the view point of the city. We are putting 2 times more people in the heritage area where only 5000-6000 people lived through centuries. In 2015 approximately 1,000,000 tourists will come to Safranbolu together with all their problems. On the other hand, local administrators keep repeating that they target 1 million tourists annually.

3.3. The Safranbolu Heritage Area
Today the Çarşı, Bağlar and Kıranköy Districts reflect different situs due to the different processes they underwent. The Bağlar District is the residential region of the wealthy sector of not only Safranbolu, but of Karabük as well. The Haddeciler District is moving towards becoming the prestigious of the well-to-do families of mainly Karabük. The Kıranköy District has undergone changes in economic and physical structure, since it has remained under the area of influence of the new center. As was stated above, since shops or workshops are on the ground floors, they can be vitalized more easily. It is the Çarşı District that is really under threat. Besides losing its functions of being the center and marketplace, it cannot participate in the Safranbolu urban unity due to remaining on the periphery of the city. In the course of time the Çarşı District has not even managed to remain as a secondary center within the city of Safranbolu. Now, the Çarşı District has no other function than to meet the requirements of tourists and the accommodation needs of the low-middle income group. On the other hand, the houses and tourism that share the Çarşı District do not have a positive interaction with each other. The houses in the Çarşı District have been fragmented by inheritance. They have been divided into independent sections where more than one family can reside. I believe that there are serious hygiene problems in these houses. These buildings are undergoing a slow process of deterioration. A significant number of the houses are vacant and neglected. Unfortunately, the work realized under the name of street improvement is only make-up for this fabric. We must never overlook the fact that these houses are falling into decay inwardly.
The population of the Çarşı District is aging rapidly. The family heads who are mostly retired complain that the young family members do not want to live in the Çarşı district. The owners of the houses do not have the economic capacity to restore the houses. In addition to the fact that the houses can no longer meet the requirements of modern living standards, the Çarşı District can no longer offer the 5000-6000 dwellers of the area the pleasures of urban living. The price of everything has increased due to tourism. The function of the coffee houses is changing for tourism purposes (McKercher & du Cros 2002, 12). There are only one or two grocery stores and one or two coffee houses serving the Çarşı District. Those livings here have to go up to Kıranköy to do their shopping now. Safranbolu’s historical market held on Saturdays is drifting towards the point of coming to an end. The social fabric of the Çarşı District is disappearing rapidly (Timothy & Nyaupane 2009, 57).
Some entertainment venues such as bars, cafés, restaurants were opened in the Çarşı District within the scope of the tourism investments that started in the 1990s and the quality middle-class that KDÇİ created in due course began to use these facilities in addition to the tourists. The entertainment venues in the Çarşı district lost all of this group of customers with the ending of the prosperity brought about by KDÇİ or the fact that they moved to other places due to their professional competence. So much so that such a quality group never came together neither in Karabük nor in Safranbolu. Today the residents of Safranbolu practically do not use the Çarşı District at all other than visiting it with their guests who come from time to time. The recent trend of celebrating weddings at the historical konaks causes more damage than contribution to the district due to the noise pollution it creates.
A large group of the dwellers of the Çarşı District are not directly related to tourism. A major number of the accommodation facilities that closed in 2011 were the lodging houses that pioneered the development of tourism in the early 1990s. House prices have also risen artificially as a result of the wind created by the konak hotels. Now, the prices are not quoted in TL but in how many flats it would buy in Emek. I my opinion the only dream of those who live in the Çarşı District is to sell their house and move to a flat in Emek. And there are no longer nomads (yörükan) to fill their place.
Treating the Çarşı District only as a stage of culture tourism is a great mistake. The 5000-6000 people living in the Çarşı District and the approximately 800 buildings have a different world. Sustaining the heritage area as well as culture tourism is getting increasingly more difficult. Unfortunately, there is no management plan for the Safranbolu heritage area. The well-meaning yet non-holistic approach of the administrators does not suffice to solve the problems

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Ot’tan bir Yazı

İbrahim Canbulat

 

Galiye yatağında Bütün Et

Food & Travel Dergisi Dergisi, 2009 yılında bir Safranbolu dosyası hazırlamak için benimle bağlantı kurdu. Derginin Yemek Editörü Ebru Erke bir fotografçı ile birlikte Safranbolu’ya geldi. Uzun bir süredir yalnızca Safranbolu yemeklerini öne çıkarmanın etkileyici olmayacağını buna karşın Karabük’ün ilçeleri Ovacık, Yenice, Eflani ve Eskipazar’ın da özellikli yemekleri olduğunu biliyor ve araştırıyordum. Özellikle 3. Geleneksel Lezzetler Şenliği kapsamında gerçekleştirdiğimiz arama çalışmaları ve şölenler sayesinde ilin mutfağını oldukça ayrıntılı bir şekilde taramış ve belgelemiştim. Şenliğin Karabük sunumuna Yenice’nin Cevizli Ot Kavurmasını da almış ve Safranbolu’nun Bütün Eti ile birlikte sunmuştuk. Şenlik sırasında benden en çok istenen reçete Cevizli Ot Kavurmasınınki olmuştu. Sonuçta, Food & Travel Safranbolu dosyasına Eflani’nin Hindi Bandırmasını, Yenice’nin otlu yemeklerini de almaya karar verdik. Ayrıca Safranbolu’yu taradık, evim Macunağası İzzet Efendi Konağı’nda hep birlikte Safranbolu yemekleri yaptık, fotografladık ve üzerlerinde tartıştık.
Özellikle Yenice Tracking Yolları konusundaki değerli çalışması nedeniyle dönemin kaymakamı Mehmet Fatih Çiçekli’yi taktir ediyor ve Yenice’nin tanıtımı konusunda yardım etmek için hazır bekliyordum. Konuyu Çiçekli ile görüştük ve randevulaştık. Onun da oluruyla otlu yemekleri öne çıkaracaktık. Ertesi gün öğle yemeği için yola çıktık. Yemek çalışması yakın zamanda tamamlanan ve hizmete açılan Şeker Kanyonu Yenice Evi’nde yapılacaktı. Yoldan telefonla ulaştığım Çiçekli’nin sesinden bazı sorunlar olduğunu anladım. Şeker Kanyonu’na ulaştığımızda Çiçekli, oldukça sinirli bir halde bizi bekliyordu. Öncesi akşam Belediye Encümeni toplanmış ve Yenice’nin ot yemekleriyle tanınmasını istemedikleri gerekçesiyle et yemekleri ağırlıklı bir sunum hazırlamışlardı. Çiçekli’nin kızgınlığının nedeni buydu. Sonrasında, çalışanlarına hemen Yenice’den evlerde pişmekte olan ot yemekleri toplayıp getirmeleri talimatını vermişti. Çok geçmeden oldukça zengin bir ot yemek seçkisi önümüze geldi ve iştahla yendi. Dergide de ağırlıklı olarak yer aldı.
Daha sonra çalışmamın kapsamını genişlettim ve Paflagonya (Batı Karadeniz) Mutfağını ayrıntılı çalışmaya başladım. Bölge konusundaki en kapsamlı çalışma Dr. Nevin Halıcı’nın Gazi Üniversitesi’nde yaptığı doktora tezidir. Tezde “Karadeniz otlu yemekleri Ege’ninkilerden bile daha önemlidir” saptamasını yapmaktadır.
Geçenlerde Gazeteci Atilla Karaarslan Karabük’ün belli yemekleriyle tanınan 30 il listesinde bulunmadığı konusunda facebook’da beni uyardı; tartışmaya katıldım ve katkıları izledim. Orada da Karadeniz otlu yemeklerinin önemli olduğunu belirttim. Bugün Hürriyet Pazar’da Vedat Milor reportajınında “Bir, Karadeniz ve Ege otları. Nasıl, Noma yöresel otlarını orijinal bir şekilde kullanıp parlatıyorsa benzer bir yöntemi biz de uygulayabiliriz.” demektedir. Okuyunca yukarıda yer alan anımı paylaşmak istedim.
Bir de Yenice’nin Cevizli Ot Kavurması reçetesini…

 

 

Ot Kavurma

Atlas-ı İbrahim Hamdi Efendi’de Coğrafi Koordinatlar

İbrahim Canbulat

GüleviSafranbolu Koleksiyonu

1917 Kelvin & Hughes -Londra yapımı (GüleviSafranbolu Koleksiyonu)

 

Atlas-ı İbrahim Hamdi Efendi’nin, Talat Mümtaz Yaman’ın transliterasyonunu yaparak Ülkü Halk Evleri Dergisi’nde yayınladığı bölümde 16 yerleşmenin coğrafi koordinatları verilmektedir. Uluslu İbrahim Hamdi Efendi’nin baba ocağının bulunduğu Endüz dahil 6 yerleşmenin ise bugün nereler olduğu bilinmemektedir.
İlginç olan Uluslu İbrahim Hamdi Efendi’nin bu yerleşmelerin koordinatlarını oldukça hassas bir şekilde ölçecek, bilgi, donanım ve cetvellere sahip olmasıdır. Tabloda göreceğiniz ve bugün bilinen 11 yerleşmeden hareketle boylam dairelerde yalnızca +-0,20 derece bir sapma hesapladık. Bu hesaplamada ölçüm noktalarının Uluslu İbrahim Efendi’nin ölçmeyi yaptığı yerden, farklı olması olasılığını unutmamak gerekir. Örneğin merkezi zaman için de değişen Safranbolu’nun coğrafi koordinatlarını, Uluslu İbrahim Efendi farklı bir noktada örneğin Kale’de ölçmüş olabilir. Asıl büyük fark enlem dairelerinde görülmektedir. Enlem dairelerinde Uluslu İbrahim Hamdi Efendi’nin verdiği değerlerle bugün verilen değerler arasında ortalama +31.91 derece fark görülmektedir. Bu farkın büyük nedeni 1884’de başlayarak Başlangıç Meridyenninin Greenwich Rasathanesi’nden geçecek şekilde saptanmasıdır. 1142 hicri yılında (1729-30) ölçüm yaparken başlangıç meridyeni Avrupa’nın en batısı olarak kabul edilen ve Azor Takımadaları’nda bulunan Fortunate Adasında geçen ve Greenwich’e göre 25d 40’ 32” olması gerekirken, Batı 31,91 derecede görülmektedir. Bu konuma en yakın yerleşme Portekiz’e bağlı Flores Adası olarak bulunmaktadır. Bu adanın enlemi 31,27d olarak verilmektedir.
Bu çalışma ile Talat Mümtaz Yaman’ın nerede olduğu bilmediği Endüz’ün ise 41,83d (+-0,2d) kuzey ve 33,17d doğu olduğunu hesaplıyorum.
Gidip aramak lazım…

Atlas Koordinatlar

Atlas-ı İbrahim Hamdi Efendi’de Paflagonya

Talat Mümtaz Yaman “Cihannüma’nın İlaveli Nüshası” Ülkü Halkevleri Dergisi, cilt XV, sayı 85, 86 ve 87, Ulusal Matbaa, Ankara, 1940

Atlas-ı İbrahim Efendi (1749-50) iki cilt olarak yazılmıştır. Döneminde Safranbolu’ya bağlı Ulus Nahiyesi’nin Yeniköy, Küçük Endüz Köyü’nde doğan Osmanlı seyyah ve coğrafyacısı Seyyid İbrahim Hamdi (1680- 1762?) işi nedeniyle Rumeli’de bulunmuş 1142 (hicri, 1729-30 miladi) yılında annesini ziyaret amacıyla memleketine gelmiş ve bu gezisi sırasında uğradığı yerlerle ilgili önemli ayrıntıları not etmiş ve Atlas’ın 1. cildinde yayınlamıştır.
Kastamonu Abdurrahmanpaşa Lisesi müdürlerinden Talat Mümtaz Yaman 1934 senesinden itibaren eserin 1. cildi üzerinde geniş incelemelerde bulunmuş; memleketine dair verdiği bilgileri Halkevleri yayını olan Ülkü Dergisi’nde yayınlamıştır. Ancak, Talat Mümtaz Yaman’ın özel kütüphanesinde bulunan Atlas’ın 1. cildi 1942 senesinde çıkan Kastamonu yangınında evi ve diğer eserleriyle birlikte yanmıştır. 1. ciltten geriye ancak Talat Mümtaz Yaman Hocanın Ülkü ve Konya Dergilerinde yayınlamış olduğu kısımlar kalmıştır.
İbn-i Battuta Seyahatnemesi’nden (1334 miladi) sonraki bilinen en eski yazılı eser olma özelliği nedeniyle Atlas-ı İbrahim Efendi, Paflagonya için çok önemli bir kaynaktır.

(Varak 312)
“…Zağfranbolı: altmış beş derece tul ve kırk bir derece yirmi dakika arzda on iki mahallesi ve dört camii iki hamamı ve hancer hoca mükellef bir han yapdırmışdır bir viran kal’ası ve Yauz köyü Eflani tarafına Rum keferesi karyeleri ve şehirlünin ekserinde bağ evleri olub yaz günlerinde bağlara nakl ideler ve zemininde zağfran eyü olmagla tarlası gayet zikıymettir mesela İstanbuli kile buğday ekilür tarlaya bir kaç guruş virirler vilayeti sengistan ve cezire gibi olmagla toprak azizdir ve oldukça ulema ve meşayihi vardır ve zagfran sebebile ekseri halkı hacıdır lakin hakikten kabe-i şefifi gören hacılardan değil zira gayet şerir ve hilekar ve kezzab ve bivefa ademlerdir Kastamonu halkına galibdirler beher hal bir akçelik soğan tohumunu hilesiz vermez ve etraf kazalarda gezüb ahmak türklerin ellerinden balmumunu ucuz beha ile alub zagfranı anınla mülemma iderler ve zağfranın arasına uspur şükufesin ilhak idüb bir tel zağfrana on tel uspur zam idüb hezar dürug-i kazibe ile furuht iderler kezalik boyacıları kalıp ve sabunu murdar don yağı ile yapub iki kat İzmir behasına füruht iderler her hafta Eflani ve Ulus ve Bartın pazarına ol meta-i mekruhlerin götürüb vafir adem aldadırlar ve kal’asının etrafında hüdayiperver üzerlik nebatı biter ve Zağfranbolu’nun üzümüne nazir ve taklit kabul etmez bir salkımın eline alub yerken parmakların birbirine yapışur ve lez ve leziz ve terkabuk gayet ala olup ki Rumeli’nde öyle üzüm görmedik.
Eflani bolı altmış buçuk derece tul ve kırk bir derece kırk dakika arzda Zağfran borlundan altı saat şarkda bir humvar zeminin ortasında pazarı her pazarertesi durur dekakin-i vafire ve etmekçi furunı ve kasab dükkanları ve han ve odalar ve mahkeme ve mufti yeri ve kethuda yer ve nakibüleşraf ve bir camii vardır ve cami kurbünde üç dört nerdüban aşağı inilür bir akar çeşmesi ve galle pazarı olub her haftada etrafdan gelüb develer ve katarlar ile zahire almalarile ekser karları ekindir ve bir tarafında sığır pazarı durur ve ol tarafda püryan kuyuları olub ruz-ı hızırdan kasıma varınca kuyu kuyu püryanı pişirüb satarlar ve hayvanatdan at ve katır ve eşek ve koyun ve inek her kısmından mübalağa gelüb alış veriş iderler ve ehalisi panbuk işlerler panbuk meta-ı çok gelür ve çadır tabir iderler astar ve sade yağı eyü olur ve pazarın kurbinde çelebiler dirler bir mamur karye pazara müşrif olup mamur ve maldar kibarı olub sahib-i pazar dahi ol karyeden olur kendu ve ol silsileye meşruta badelinkiraz Medine vakfıdır ve kıble tarafında Depe köy nam karyede pabuc ve çizme dikerler ve Kayadibi ehalisi mutaf olub mukabelesinde Tavşan zaimi karyesi dahi Şimale Paşa karyesi ve Bedilk ve Sancak bunların her biri mamur ve hanedan vezir zade ağalar ve oda sahipleri olub müsafirine ikram iderler ve bu kurbde Hacıağa nam karyede Kadiriler tekyesi olup şeyhleri hayli zahid ve mübarek ademlerdir ve bu kazanın khlalinde ba’z yer yer selefden bakiye türbeler vardır ki etrafında nabit bir ağacı kat’ mümkin olmayub musirrı elbette helak olur bir münbit ve galle ile meşhur bir kaza olub zemini humvar olmagla ekser kuraları birbirinden görinür Tekyeciler karşusu Kastamoniye tabi olub andan öte Çiğlene dört saat yerde bunun hudud-ı Tekyeciler’den sırt üzre Saçağ’a doğru Kayabaşın’a giderken değirmen kubinde bir mermer rühamdan arslan olmagla tarla kenarında durur ahalisinin zulmu budur ki Hazret-i Ali ol tarafa geldiklerinde arslan askere mütearız olmagla Hazret-i Ali’nin bed duasına mazhar olub taş olmuşdur andan Müezzin karyesinin mukabelesinde bir mamul depe vardır hayli balater olmagla kazanın ekser mahalleri görinür ve ol taraflarda pak ve latif ab-ı-zülale benzer pınarlar olub ekser hanelerin önünden cereyan ider ve andan Kayabaşından Ovayüzü kazasına gidilür üç tariki vardır biri şark tarafdan Sarıoğlu köyü mukabelesinde ve ortası Kayabaşı olub cadde ve bir vasi araba işler yoldır ve biri dahi Bedil-den ve Bedil yaylağından Gezkaya’dan aşılub Poyra nam çiftlik kurbinden Ovacumasına inilür gayri tarik yoldur bu Eflani kazasında bir dürlü bağ ve bağçe ve bostan olmayub üzüm ve kavun karpuz ve turb ve şalgam ve sogan ve sarımsağı cümleten Borlu’dan götürüb pazarda satarlar ve bunlar satun akçe ile alurlar bağ olmazsa bostan olurdı ahalisi rağbet itmeyüb iktiza itdikçe çarşudan alurlar ve meyve kısmını Ovayüzi ve Ulusdan götürürler bun vilayetinde ancak alıc olur bir gayr meyve olmaz (Haşiye: bu Eflani kazasının Borlı’ya gidilen tarafında Paşa karyesi mukabelesenkistar tarla kenarında ağacı vişne ağacı kadar kebir ve meyvedar ve gayet kesir olub Çal tarafına doğru yekpare ormanlık budur lakin çi faide ahalisi Devlet-i-aliyye duyub anlamanın deyu ne yerler ne de yidürürler ve ol havalide keklik vakir olur) halkı nevan şirrete maildir ve eyyam-ı-sayfde derelerde suları çekilüb dakik içün ahar mahalle huhtacdırlar.
Kızılbel Bolı’ya tabi on iki karyeli bir kaza olub eyü bağları ve bir tarafı Filyas
(Varak 314)
suyu üzre vaki olub deremahyası namında bir yaylağı vardır Konarı altmış iki derece kırk dakika tul ve kırk bir derece arzda Üskibi cenubunda Bolıdan bir menzil garbe yirmi karyelü bir kazadır nice hanları olub hafta pazarı durub mahsuli pirinc ve fahir kaymağı olur ve traf-ı cenubında Uğrı suyu derler bir nehr cereyan idüb Efnanlu gölüne munsab olur Duzce pazarı didikleri bunun şahran üzre olan hanları ve anın etrafında khılal-i-cibalde bir kaç karyeden ibretdir ki pazarı ol hanlar kurbindedurır ve çeltikleri enhar-ı Milan dan gelen sudan saky olunur ahalisi camus beslerler pirinci sürh ve alcakdır Bolı ve Mudurnı tarafına düşen dağlarında veşak ve zerdava bulunır ve bir cins magiyan-ı-berri vafir olub cüssede magiyar-ı-ehliden kabirdir Dirgene altmış üç derece on dakika tul ve kırk bir derece on dakika arzda Devrek cenubında sekiz karyelü bir yabis ve dağistan kaza olub sekiz divan derler Yılanlıca Devrek şimalinde dokuz karyelü bir kaza olub Karadeniz’e karib dağistan içine düşmüşdür ala meyvesi olub bu kazanın tahtına Filyas nehri ‘ubur idüb Karadeniz’e gider ve burda Abdal paşa nam bir ziyaretgah Mengen altmış üç derece elli dakika tul ve kırk bir derece arzda … şimalinde bir kaç karyelü bir kazadır bir su kenarında beş on haneli bir karyesinde pazarı durur ve ol … dağından nazil olub fahir alabalığı çıkar bu kazada mürdüme derler bir cins erik olur ki çekirdeği küçük ve gayet lezizdir
Devrek altmış üç buçuk derece tul ve kırk bir derece on üç dakika arzda Ereğli şarkisinde deryadan alarga bir kazadır … dağının şimaline düşer Bolı bunın cenubında vaki olub hafta pazarı ve hanları ve dükkanları var bir nice karyedir Bolı suyu ile nehr-i-Mengen bunın kurbinden cereyan ider ve Araç ve Viranşehir nehrine bu kazada karışub Hisarönünde Karadeniz’e gider ve yıl pazarı ki her senede bir kerre durub on beş güne kadar mütemadi olub yedi divan bu kazadadır
Pencüşenbe nam diğer Zarzene altmış üç derece elli dakika tul ve kırk bir derece yirmi dakika arzda yirmi karyelü bir kazadır Çarşanba kazasıyle bunun mabeynini Filyas suyu kat’ider
Üskibi altmış iki derece kırk dakika tul ve kırk bir derece yirmi dakika arzda Bolı’dan şimale on saatlik inhirafile garbe ve Akçeşar dan cenuba vaki olub bir cami ve bir hammamı ve on pare karyesi olub bunun şimalinden dağından Debbağlar suyu gelüb buna uğrar ve canib-i garsisi dağlar ve ormanlar ve sahreler olub mezari’ ve çeltikleri Milan suyından saky olunur ve pirinci alçak ve ala bezi olur … nam karyede Şemsi Efendi medfun olub ziyaretgahdır
Samaku altmış üç derece beş dakika tul ve kırk bir derece yirmi beş dakika arzda Ereğli’ye tabi yirmi karyelü bir kazadır
Benderkli nam diğer Ereğli Karadeniz sahilinde Bolı şimalinde bir kal’adır ki tahminen devr-i seray-ı-hümyun-ı-cedid kadar olub taraf-ı-şarka derya kenarı ve yukaru Güney taraflarının ekser bedenleri harap olub ancak garb tarafına vaki iskele ve şehrine muttasıl olan kapusu heyet-i asliye üzere balater beden ve tabyalar ve kapunın üzerinde
(Varak 315)
iki adem şekli ayak üzere dururlar dahil-i bab-ı kal’ade bir mahalle ve Sultan Orhan camii olub ve haric-i bab-ı kal’ade esvak-ı mamurasi ve kahveleri ve bir hammamı ve çeşmeleri ve iskele kurbinde müsafirine han odalarına bedel odalar ve köşkleri olub sükkanına günde birer pare icare ile virirler ve etmekçi furunı olmayub herkes hanesinde etmek tabkh idüb çarşuda satarlar çarşunun garb tarafında kefere vaktinde etrafı kargir divarlı limanı var imiş zamanla dolub harab olmuş elyevm anda debbağhane olub kal’anın harab divarı mukabilinde etrafdan taş dökme bir limanı vardır ve dahil-i kal’ade hin-i imaretinde olan bezastan ve dekakinin taşların yüzer adem yerinden kaldıramaz ve bazı kulelerinde bağçe idüb nerkis ve sair şükufe gars itmişler bir mertebe ki sa’ir diyarda öyle çiçek olmaz ve kal’a kapusunın haricinde bir kule zirvesinde müfti hanesi olub safa bahş ferahfeza bir hanedir hayli mamur bir kasaba olub pak dilfrib tazeleri vardır lakin ahalisinin bir mikdar taassubı vardır incir ve üzüm ve ceviz ve sa’ir meyvesi vefret üzere olub ahalisinin ekseri khılal ve kaşık yaparlar kerestesi olub İstanbul’a götürürler ve kal’adan şark tarafında Karadeniz’e müşrif bir depede merhum Fatih Sultan Orhan’ın hacesi Seyyid Yaha-yı Şirvani hazretlerinin evladından olub Seyyid Nasrullah Efendi Hazretlerinin merkad-i münevvereleri olub ba’zı bikes fukara kızları varub hüeratda sakine olub hizmet iderler bir göz yer vakıfdır ve anda Karadeniz boğazında olduğu gibi bir fener olub sefinelere hata gelmesün deyu gicelerde firuzan olunur avamünnas beyninde Hacıbaba türbesi deyu ziyaret iderler sultan Orhan gelüb kal’a feth eylediklerinde oğlum şu makamı bana ihsan eyle deyu rica etmişler ricasına müsaade buyurdukda bu yeri niçün istersin deyu istintak ve anlar dahi toprağımız bunda olub yatsam gerekdir deyu buyurmakla sultan merhuma rikkat gelmişdir bir pak ahalisi olub eyü metaların bez ve kereste ve meyvedir vilayetinde zina ve livata nadirdir meğer ki mütegallibeden bir yaramaz gelmiş buluna…
(Varak 316)
Amasra altmış dört derece otuz beş dakika tul ve kırk bir derece beş dakika arzda sahil-i Bahr-ı siyah’da Bartın boğazından şarka deniz kenarında tell-i ali üzre bir kal’e-i metine olub cami ve dizdarı ve bir kaç mustahfız neferi vardır ve kal’enin canib-i şark ve garbinde kenardan münfasıl bir sagir adası olub anın bir köşesinde sagir gemilere küçük limanı olub kenar-ı bahr ile Ereğli’ye gidilür deyu söylerler ve şarkı olan liman muhazisinde leb-i deryada buzhane namıyla muhtasar ve mülevves bir hamamı vardır ve bu Amasra’nın on beş pare karyesi olub Sinob bunun şarkında karadan beş merhale ve deryadan yüz mil yerdir ve Ereğli’den karadan dört merhale ve deryadan elli milden ziyadedir be Bartın’a denizden dolaşob bu boğazdan girüb varmağa dokuz mil ve karadan dört saat yerdir lakin mabeynde bir derbend olmağla yaramazı eksik değildir ve kenar-ı bahr ile dokuz mil şarkda Deliklişile namında iki şak olmuş bir kayanın arasında ubur olunub kurbinde bir mescid ve iskele olub nahiyesine Köles dirler ve eşcar-ı zeytün ve tin mübalega olub bir nahiye-i tavile ve kesirülmeyve ve soğuk suları cari değirmenleri vafir guhistan ve mürtefi’ dağlar arasında Beyderbendi nam balkandan Ulus kazasına Tarıca nam karyeye aşılur lakin gayet sa’bulmeslek bir yerinde atını durgudub kendisi müsterih olacak yeri yokdır ve vasat-ı cebelde yolun sol tarafında bir pınar kurbinde bir mağaradan ruzgar çıkub kapısına varılsa ademi alarga atar ve Amasra’nın deryadan şark tarafına dört beş saatlik sa’bulmürur dağlarında bir leziz ve şirin pınarı olub kefere vaktinde künk ile kal’aye gelürmiş ve bu kal’anin fevkinde senkistan havaleleri olub eşçarının ekseri ıhlamur olmakla ahalisinin san’atları öreke ve iğ ve sarımsak havanı ve tütün dakka dukkası işlerler bir mertebe ki İstanbul’a cümle andan gelüb ve sair vilayeti iğna ve kifayet etdirirler kal’a deruninde olan evsak-ı amiresi bununla müzeyyendir ve bin yüz kırk iki senesi Ağustosu’nda iskelesinden sefine ile ol adanın önüne lenger – endaz-ı – rahat olduğumuzda bir gulam bir sepetde beyaz tut getürdi ki tavuk yumurtası kadar var idi Bartın iklim-i hamisden altmış dört buçuk derece tul ve kırk bir buçuk derece arzda Bolo’dan üç merhale şimale ve Karadeniz’e üç milden baidce bir liman ağzında yirmi dört karyeyi müştemil bir kaza olub her cumertesi hafta pazarı durır matbu ve hoşnüma ve şirin kasaba olub bir iki cami ve mülevves hamamı ve Ulus müftisi İbrahim Efendi binası bir cedid hanı olub eskiden elçi İbrahim Paşa anda bir nazik ve pak han yapdırub ve kurbinde bir cami-i şerif ve minare mukabelesinde bir saat kulesi bina idüb hanın icaresin hademe-i cami ve saatçiye tayin etmiş idi ve bir hoş suk-ı amiresi olub her san’atın erbabı bulunurdu ve saatın sadası yarım saatlik yerden işidilürdü ve cami önünde latif çeşmeleri var idi lakin bu kasabanın ahalisi suretde müslüman ve siyretde kefereden eşed diyecek mertebe bir gayretsiz bıırz mahluk olub bir guruhı yirmi
(Varak 317)
beş bölükden dem urulub ve guruh-ı ahari yetmiş birden laf iderler haftada bir iki defa mestis alub kefere gibi birbirlerile cenk iderler ve ehl-i ırzın avret ve oğlanına hetk-i ırz ider bir kavm-i meş’um olmalariyle senesinde mintarafillah kasabalarında bir ihrak zuhur idüb rüzgar müsaid olmakla cümlesinin haneleri yandığından maada ol cami-i şerif ve hanlar ve saat kulesi yanub bilkülliye hakister olmağla elyevm ol revnak kalmamışdır beher hafta Bolu ve Borlı ve Eflani ve Ova ve Ulus kazalarından vafir pazarcılar gelüb çamaşır ve çıra ve keten tohumı ve pesdil ve ceviz ve yağ ve keten ipliği ve astar ve kereste getürüb alışveriş iderler amma beher hal fukaraya cevr ve eziyyet ve malinden bir mikdarın noksan vermekle tefahür iderler bed şirret ademlerdir kadı ve müfti ve İstanbul gümrüğü tarafından bir adem oturır ve bezirgan gelüb metaların İbrahim Paşa hanına vaz’idüb sakin olurlar lakin her biri bir mütegallibeye isnada muhtacdır ve serdarları dahi kendülerinden bir mel’un olur vilayetinde güzel galle olur lakin ekseri darı eküb anı yerler Ereğli taraflarında bir kayagan taşı madeni olub pergar ile müdevver kat’idüb sekiz on pareye taşdan saç deyu satarlar hamurlu darı etmeğin anda tahb idüb kartalaç namiyle yerler çokluk buğday etmeğine rağbet etmezler ve bu kasabada dahi etmekçi furunu olmayıb herkes evinde nan idüb piş-i kahvehanelerde satarlar kavun ve karpuz ve kiras eyü olur ve bu kasabanın iki tarafın liman-ı ırmak kucaklayub ancak Ulus tarafı küşade bir humvar zeminde vaki olmuşdır toprağı kilermaniye müşabih olmağla hanlarının fevkinde kiremidleri kırmızı mercane benzer ve nehrin suyu Ovayüzi ve Ulus kazalarından cereyanla gelüb derbend-i kebiri şak ile boğaz ağzından Bartın kazasına dahil olub kasabanın yukarı tarafında bir mil kadar geldikde sükınet bulub cereyandan kat’ ve piş-i kasabada bir latif ve müferrah iskelesi olub ırmak iki şak olduğu mahallerin her birinde daima müceddeten sefine ihdas olunmadan hali olmayub İstanbul Galatası gibi makara ve alat bükücü ve sair ehl-i sanayi mevcuddur bu liman piş-i kasabadan sahil-i Bahr-ı siyah’a gelince iki tarafları düz ve humvar olub tarafeynde elma bağçeleri ve sair meyve ile memlu ve ekser eşçarında üzüm asması olub iki tarafdan ırmağa ab-ı zülale benzer pınar çıkub akar Karadeniz göründüğü yerde bir düz çimendar mevzi’de denize karşu sol tarafda bir han-ı sagiri vardır ekser sefine mutarassıd-ı hava andan olmağla eylenürler kubinde bir iki latif pınarı olub suyı andan içerler ve ırmak suyı denize karışdığı yerde denize çıkarken sağ tarafda ve içeru girerken sol tarafda suya beraber kalkan gibi bir kaya uzanmışdır eğer anı şikest idüb tathir eyleseler bu limana kebir kalyonlar dahil olur idi murad itseler bir cüz’i masraf ile olur bir sal çatılub üzerinden nakb ve barut ile pareleyüb tathir olunur ve fevkinde keferemande bir palanka yeri vardır ve bu kasaba-i Bartın’dan nehr kenarile Ulus’a giderler öğleden sonra avdet idüb derbend ağzında boğaz kurbinde latif kiras bahçeliklerine yatub andan derbend ki tahminen dört saatlik mesafe kadar nehrin sol tarafından Ulus kazasına varılub derbend geçildikde Borlı ve Ovayüzi ve Eflani taraflarına giderner nehri geçüb sağ tarafına şarka gibüb Ulus’a ve Gökbil’e giderler temam şarka giderler bu derbend gayet sa’bulmeslek vel mürur ve dağların iki tarafları eflake ser çekmiş senkistan ve kuhistan ve hilaf-ı tarik bir yerinden mürur kabil olmayub bu nehrin bazı amil olan yerlerinde üç ve kıyye gelür alabalık olur ve Bartın kazası hududında akşama kalub bir ahadın
(Varak 318)
hanesine müsafir olmak mutasavver değildir zira bunun ahalisi bir deni ve bed ahlak ve birahm mahluk olmağla bir kimse bunların karyeleri ve haneleri canibine varamaz ve Bartın kazasından Ulus’a ancak iki tarik olub biri bu meşhur derbend be birisi sol tarafdan Furunlı nam karyeden balay-ı balkandan Ulus hududunda Öreme nam çiftliğe varılur lakin ikisi de sa’bulsuluk bir tarik olub yüklü bargirler güçle murur iderler lakin Devlet-i aliye’nin muradı olub bir mikdar akçe sarfile bu tarik tathir olunub tomruk çekmek müyesser olur ve Gökbil ve Uluyayla’nın kerestesi Devlet’i aliye’ye değil dünyaya vefa ider deryay-ı binihaye dağlardır lakin memleket harab olur zira devlet tarafından ser-i kare me’mur olanlar mal tama’ı ile fukarayı rencide iderler ve bu derbend-i kebirden Ulus kazasına çıkıldığı yerde yine kefere mande palanka asarı vardır ve bu Ulus zam-ı hemze ve sükun-ı vav zam-ı lam ve vav ve sükun-ı sin-i mühmele ile altmış beş derece tul ve kırk bir derece kırk beş dakika arzda Bartın şarkisinde on pare karyelü bir kaza olub cum’a pazarı durur tarafı-ı şarkısi Kastamoni sancağı Zarı kazasına hemcivar vaki olub vasatından mürur iden nehrin iki taraflarında karyeleri ve hadayık ve besatine olub aralıkla mürtefi bayırlar ve senkistan yerlere ziraat idüb ekser demedi kızak ile çekerler ve Ulus camii iki çayın beyninde bir çınarzarda vaki olub cuma’ya gelenler ol çaylardan abdest alırlar ve piş-i cami-i şerif bir humvar düz ve çemendar mahalle düşüb sayedar kebir çınar ağaçları sayeban-ı feza olub hılalında piryan pişirüb satarlar kebir şiler ile bütün koyun yahud keçi kebab idüb biryan deyu verirler kurbinde olan karyelerden nan-ı aziz ve sair levazım götürürler Bolı ve Zağfranbolı ve Kastamoni’den bazı Ermeni bezirganı ve haffaf ve kalaycı ve kazancı ve sair meta’füruşlar çok gelb her birinden birer ikişer akçe bac alınub imam ve hatibe vazife verirler bu cami-i şerif bir garib ahşabdan yapılmışdır ki dıvarları birbiri üzerine vaz’hatıl ve köşe başları çatma ve bir kaide bir büyük cami olub muhfil tahtında olan sütunların bir kaçı Ayasofya-ı kebir-de olan mermer sütunlara şebih ve re’s-i sütunlar münakkaş ve musanna’ ve latif direklerdir garabet bundadır ki ol diyarda maden mermerin vucudi yok ve diyar-ı aharden ol mahalle taş ve direk getürmek bir vech ile mümkün ve mutasavver değildir ve camiin minaresi kezalik kubbenin vasatında elvahdan mebni olub bu kadar binada timur mismare mütealik bir çivi olmayub ağaç çivi ve çatma ve müddet-i binası devlet-i Osmani tasarrufundan mukaddem olmağla birkaç yüz sene mürur etmiş elyevm bir divarına ve yahud bir tahtasına tezelzül gelmemişdir ol diyar kavminin zu’munda bani-i cami-i şerife Timurcı Hasan Baba dinüb zeyl-i dervişandan olub ve gelüb kurb-ı cami’de tevattun ve bir müddetden sonra dağdan kereste kat’ına mübaşeret idüb ahali-i kazaya ben bunda bir cami ihdas itsem gerekdir bana ianet eyleyin ve dağdan kereste nakline öküz verin dedikde Etrak buna itibar etmediklerinde hergün görürler ki mevzi-i cami-i şerif’de birer ve ikişer tomruk gelmiş bunlar beyinlerinde zu’m iderler ki bu derviş sarık olub öküzlerin uğurlaya ve koşub dağdan kereste getüre ve ittifak dervişin tarikında kemingahe girub mutarassıd oldılar ki eğer öküzlerin koşmuş ise katl idüb vilayetlerinden ol makule ademi yoğ eyleyeler gördiler derviş bir çift sığın geyiğin öküz gibi boyunduruğa koyub tomruk çeker bunlara nedamet gelüb muavenete gelmişlerdir ve hin-i binada imece cemiyetine ahali davet idüb anlara taam virse gerek oğluna der ki değirmene varub hasıl olan dakiki eve nakleyle ancak tekneye nazar etme deyüb kendüsi işine gider gulam dakik naklinden bitab olub kesret-i
(Varak 318)
dakikin sebebinden hatunu sual eyledikde oğlu babasının emri üzere imeceye etmek olacağın haber verdikde hatun dir ki bir dağarcık buğdaydan bu kadar un olmaz dimekle gulam değirmene varub babasının tekneye örtdüğü siyah abayı kaldırub nazar eyledikde bir kebir hayye ağzından buğday ilka eyledüğin müşahede eyledikde hayye ilka-yı daneyi kat’itmekle gulam değirmeni turgudub ahşam babasına haber verdikde niçün bakdın çokca dakik alurduk deyu cevab virür ve cami-i şerif itmamınadek ol dakik vefa etmişdir derler kendünin türbesi anda bir kebir çınar bininde olmak zannı ile ziyaret ve dua iderler ve etraf-ı camide mahkeme ve müfti makamı ve ayandan bazılarının mahsus yerleri olub eyyam-ı şitada nehirlerin tuğyanı vaktinde cum’aya gelinmez bundan şimal tarafına yine nehir kenarında camii ve kaza nihayetinde dirahna camii ve Dağ divanında Kuzsahrınç nam karyede bir cami-i şerif dahi vardır bu kazanın ma’dud birkaç camii olub hafta pazarı mezkur cami kurbinde durub ve eyyam-ı sayfde bazı kerre camiinde dahi pazar olub cuması kılınur cevamiden maada ekser kuralarında mescidleri ve imamları olub cemaatle namaz kılmaya gayet mukayyeddirler ve mektebleri olub muallim-i sıbyan haceleri vardır ve kibarlarının müsafirhanelerinden gayri her fakirin dahi birer koltuk odaları olub muzeyyaf ademleri vardır ve taşra kazadan yaramaz gelüb aralarında temekkün mümkin değildir beher hal orman donuzsuz olmaz meseli mucibince bazı eşirrası var ise dahi kabil-i hitab olunacak hanedanları vafirdir ve gayet abdar ve latif harbüzesi olur ve cevizi eşcarınden düşdükçe kışrı münşak olub lebeni taşra çıkar ve mürdüme eriği mübalağa olmağla herkesin bağçelerinde vafir bulunur ve enguri dahi latif ve hoşhar olur elma ve emrud ve sair meyvenin envai olur ancak limon ve turunç ve zeytun olmaz ve huda-yı perver yemişi çokdur bu kazada panbuk işlemek bilmezler keteni kenduler gars ve terbiye idüb keten bezi iderler ve ipliğin bazirgan varub cumadan cem idüb İstanbul’a ve Mısr’a götürürler ve keten tohumu ve yağı mürdüme pesdili vafir olub bey’ ve şifa iderler bu kazada asel nasir olub ekser bekmez idüb asel yerine istimal iderler ve bulunduğu mertebesi dahi me’kul değildir zira bu kazanın cibalinde defla dedikleri ağu ağacı vefret üzre olmağla baharda anın şükufesinden bal alan arunun aseli tutar delice bal dirler ve bu diyarın arusu pirebolı yapar ve bu kazada İldiş nahiyesinde çay kenarile nam karyeden meşhur kara müfdi İbrahim Efendi’nin karyesi nam karye ve andan şarka doğru nam karye ve andan bir kurşun menzili yerde eşcar-ı kebire ve asar-ı kadime sayesinde mezarat-ı tavileler olub yolun iki tarafında bazı kubbeler ve mermer sütunlar müşahede olunur her bir mezar iki ve üç insan kaddi tavil olub etraflarında taşlar dizili ve kenar-ı tarikde bir mezarın başı ucunda olan taşın üzerinde on beş yirmi kadar çakıl taşı olub birinin müşkil umuri oldukda anda varub üç ihlas-ı şerif tilavet idüb sahib-i kabre hibe idüb ol taşlar tek yahud çit olmağın murad ider tevekküli bir kaçın ahz ve ta’dad ider isabet eyledi deyu anında amel ider ve andan dere değirmeni yanından Ören nam bir düz ve çemendar ve etrafı meyve eşcarile kuhsar-ı feza vasatında bir pınar olub oluk vaz itmişler kol kadar cereyan ider ve senede bir iki defa ol ab ile darı ve buğday çıkub üç beş kile kadar yığılır hayvanlara ve tuyura vafir gıda olur bu hınt tahtelarz nereden gelür malum değildir ve pınarın başında zir-i zeminde kefermande mahzenler ve kilise ve esatin-i ruham ile mebni evler olub üzerinde guhistan-ı azim olmağla bu kazanın
(Varak 320)
kurb ve civarında olan ahalinin ekser ocakları bunun tuğlasile bina olunmuşdur her kim iderse etrafa haber gönderüb imece idüb andan bir yeri hafr itdirdikde elbetde bir kilisa yahud bir mahzen zuhur ider bir zira mikdarı tul ve nısıf zira arzen tuğlaları sökdürüb bargirler ile götürürler garabet bundadır ki tahtelarz bu kadar esatin-i ruhamı musannaa nereden gelmişdir bir vech ile akle muvafık olmaz meğer ki zeman-ı evvelde ol mahalle derya muttasıl ola ve sefineler ile götürile hala sahil-i bahr-i siyah’a dokuz saat kadar baid olduğundan başka gayet sa’bülmeslek vel mürur yerler olub bir veçhile araba gitmez haml-i sakilin naklimümkin değildir azim senksar ve guhsar cibal-i şahikalar beyninde vaki olub ol mermer direklerin bazıların barut havanı yaparlar lakin ol mavzi’den kaldırub bir iki saatlik mesafede bir karyeye götürmek mümkin olmaz yine yerinde kalur ve ol guhi dağlar beyninde atik cadde tarıkler vardır ki elyevm ol diyarın ademi bilmez ki nereye gider zira birkaç saatlik belki bir iki merhale dağistan olub mesluk değildir ve ol Ören karyesinden bir kurşun menzili sarp dereye varılur ki cami-i fakirin maskat-ı re’si olan Endüz fath-i hamze ve sükun-ı nun zam-ı dal-ı mühmele ve sükun-ı zay-ı muğceme ile çiftlik ismi altmış beş derece beş dakika tul ve kırk bir derece elli dakika arzda bir karye olub ol derede yıl döner bir değirmeni ve dereden ahşabdan kantara üzre ubur olunub Küçükendüz nam karyeye varılur ki hubbul vatan minenliman fetvasınca guya ki ya taht veya fevki cennettendir bir latif arazisi haşbu ve kuvvet-i kudsiye-i ruhaniye ile memlu ve dilfeza mürgzarlar ve beynelhadayik andeliban-ı hoşnevalar ve selsebil asa ab-ı zülali çağlar ve dirant-i sayedarlar mevzun kamet-i dilriba gibi küknar ve ardıç ve sanevberler ile bir mertebe gühsardır ki sayesinde şems-i haverin ziya küsteri müsafir olmaz ve bahar eyyamında bu arzda bir türlü rayiha-i tayyibe ruhküşad zuhur ider ki mevsim-i bahar mürur idince dimağ-ı ademi muattab olub ahalisi zu’munda bahar faslında bab-ıcennet meftun olmağla bu rayiha-i cennetin nesim-i hoşbuyı fazlasından biz kullarına bahşiş ve atiyyedir dirler nefsülemr bu halet-i garibe Rumişi ve gayr vilayetlerde yokdur ve bu Endüz çiftliğinin iki değirmeni olub biri sarp derede ve biri tahletkaryede ve karşu kuzyakasında bir mamur elma ve emrud bahçeliği olub yedi yüz kadar aşlama yalnız ceddimiz Hüseyin Çelebi zamanından olub andan sonra vafir dahi eşcar neşv-ü nema bulmuşdur ve tahtelçiftlik çayırda on beş kadar erik bağçesi ve eşcar-ı ko zki şecerinden sakıt oldukda lebbi taşra çıkar kışrı gayet rakik olur elma ve emrud ve fındık ve sair erik ağaçlarının had ve tahmini kabil değildir hususan kirası bir karye ve kazada olmaz ancak vişneye tenezzül olunmamış vişne yokdır limon ile turuncdan gayrisi mübalağa olub hudud-ı çiftlik olan guhistane mevsim-i ezharde nazar olunsa bir beyaz hayme-i hubaba misal görinür ve havali-i çiftlikde on kadar mürdüme eriği bağçemiz olub her bir bağçede yüz elli ve iki yüz ve dahi ziyade ve noksan mürdüme ağacı vardır ve gayet güzel ve eyi galyesi olur ve latif ve safabahşa ve ruhperver mer’aları vardır ki her ne kadar hayvanat vefret üzre olub hergün bir semte ra’y olunsa vefa ider belki ayda bir tarafa vevbet gelmez latif çemendar ve saye küster küknar ve sanevber ve sair eşcar-ı cibal ile çitelmişdir ekserinin dibine gün gelmez bazı eşcar diblerinde mun’akid olmuş küherçile bulunur ki emtardan katarat isabet eylese böyle parmak gibi küherçile müncemid olmazdı küknar ağacının şahları sair eşcara muhalif olub taraf-ı zire mail olmağla her bir ağacın
(Varak 321)
dibi han odasından eyüdir ve bu Endüz çiftliğinin şimal tarafında Fındıcak nam meşhur bir saydğah yaylağı selefde ceddimiz vakitlerinde sürek koyun ve sair hayvanat olur imiş ve bu yaylakda bazı ağaçların sürahında nahl-i yabani olub ağacı kat’ ve aselin ihraç iderler mübalağa balı bulunur lakin rahat ile ekl olunmaz zira’ tutar bu dağlarda defeli ağacı çok olub şakayık-ı nümana şebih kırmızı ve beyaz katmer gülleri olub bu şukufe hazan etdikten sonra çıkan oğulun aseli tutmaz ve ceddimizden müntekil doksan nahl peteği vardır ve herbirinde pirebolı olub leyali-i mübarekede öd ve anber bedeline bahur iderler ve bu Fındıcak yaylağında sığın geyiği ve elik derler karaca ve dilku ve sansar ve zerdeva ve vaşak ve yamurha ki karaca kadar yaban keçisi gibi bir hayvandır ve düb ve zeeb ve hok erneb kati vafir bulunur vaşakı gayet eyü olmağla avcısından otuz ve kırk guruşa alınır ve zerdavası ve sansarı gayet çokdır sayd idüb birer guruşa ticaret iderler ve bu yaylakda tahlet eşcar çıkub cereyan iden ab-ı haşguvarların vasfı mümkin olmayub pınar başı dirler bir humvar zeminde bir kebir ağacın altından pertav ile bir ma’sum gövdesi kadar ab-ı zülale benzer bir su çıkub simab-ı hoşnüma misal çağlayub akar ve varub sarp derede bir asiyab çarhı idare ider ve çiftliğin aşağısında bir pınar çokar ki abı mütehaccir olub köfün tabir iderler balta ile kat’idüb ocak ve sair binaya sarf iderler favkinde bir pınar dahi vardır ki abı simaba benzer beyaz ırakdan sim si gibi görünür muşmula ve kızılcık ve fındık misilli meyveye itibar itmezler hususan yemişan iki dürlü olub kırmızı ve siyah olur ve karamuk dirler yaban eriği gibi yemişi olur asla bunlara rağbet olunmaz ve mevsim-i baharda taze kiyahla bile biter cincile namıyla bir mantar olur ki henüz beynelkiyah cismini görmeden misk gibi rahiyasından his olunub devşirüb çiğ iken ve kavurub şerid ve börek idüb ekl iderler gayet latif ve hoşhor mantardır ki bunda ve Ovayüzü’nde olub devşirüb Eflanı pazarında ve kıyyesin yirmi otuz pareye satarlar ber-i direhtan reside oldukda bir cins kırmızı ve kebir mantar namudar olur ki kat’olundukda lebeni cereyan ider bir leziz mantardır çiğ ve pişmiş me’kuldir be vakıtde buna benzer bir cins beyaz dahi olub südi telh ve yedikde ağzı kabardır pişirüb yerler leziz ve latif olub bunlara geyik mantarı derler ve vakt-i hasadda bir cins beyaz mantar dahi nabit olub şimşek mantarı dirler gayet rayihası güzel olub ala böreği olur ve dahi güz eyyamında çamlık ve küknarzarlıklarda kanlıca namında bir kırmızı mantarı olub kat’olunsa kan gibi lebeni damlar tuz ile kebab idüb lahm gınasın virir ancak bu mantar küknar ve sanavberlikde nabit olur gayri yerde bitmez bunlardan gayri yine evvel-i baharda içikızıl dedikleri mantar çayırlarda kati çok biter ve güzün dahi olur ve eyyam-ı şitada eskiden yıkılmış gökçe ağacın çürümeğe yakın yerlerinde ağaç mantarı biter ki yumuşak ve bir latif rayihalu beyaz ciğer hey’etinden olub devşirirler ve lahm gibi köfte idüb börek ve şerid iderler ve kara ağaçda dahi olur bir senenin her mevsiminde bir türlü mantar olub lahm yerine bedel ve belki niamüldebel olub fukara bunlar ile teayyüş iderler ve bu niam-ı celile bizim karyelerimiz civarında olub sair kazalarda olmaz ve kezalik ra’d ve berk vaktinde zuhur ider kümah namında yumurta şeklinde bir mantar olur gayet leziz ve suyunu göze çekerler cila virir ve evvel-i baharda taze çam ve küknar ağaçlarının
(Varak 322)
kabuğu arasında ağaca ab cereyan eyledikde taşra kabugün kal’ idüb bıçak ile soyarlar ve bir tasa koyub suyun süd gibi içüb kendüsin ekl iderler gayet leziz hoşgüvar ve evvel-i baharda on gün kadar ikl iden tabibe muhtaç olmaz bir mikdar müshil ve tasfiye-i dem ider hazımdır bu dahi çamlık olan mevzia mahsusdur soymuk dirler ve bu karyenin hadayik ve mer’a ve kuhsarında olan akakik ile mahlut sünbül ve nergis ve incu çiçeği ve çilek ve böğürdlen ve sa’lebin envai ve tefne ve sünbül-i taberi ve yaban güli ve benefşe ve bir cins mart şükufesi olur ki gayri yerde olmaz ve misk-i rumi ve su’d ki topluk dirler ve yaylada dahi olub toplağı nevruzdan birkaç gün mukaddem çıkarub tesbih gibi ukd idüb avredler boğazına takarlar ıtır gibi rayiha virir şems hamel burcuna tahvil etdikten sonra çıkarmazlar zira kokusu zail olur ve dağlarında enva’-i akakir ve ilacat içün kiyah-ı mütenevvia olub cümleden oğul otu gayet çokdır ve çilek bir mertebe çok olur ki sepet sepet cem’ idüb süd içine ilka idüb hoşab gibi kaşık ile ekl iderler etibbanın haşa didikleri boz süpürge ıtır gibi hoşbu bir zira’ kadar bir kiyah olub devşirüb süpürge iderler ancak gayrı karyede olmaz ahar karyeden gelüb bundan çiyde iderler ve nankah ki beğlerce derler
Vefret üzre dağlarda hüday-i nabitdir ve birkaç dürlü vesairi kesirdir ve bu Endüz karyesi cebel-i Gökbil’in garb tarafı dameninde vaki’ olub karyenin şark tarafı dameninde vaki olub karyenin şark tarafına iki mil kadar çiftlik üzere havale bir tavil ve guhistan cebel olub fevkinde Ulus kazası müntehası olan kazasından Ovayüzü kazasına tabi Akçakise ve sol tarafda Çöme’ye varınca mümted olmuş bir tarik cadde olub tamam bir merhale düz ve sayedar drahtlar altından mürur olunub güneş görmez ve yol kenarlarında latif guhsar ve leziz sular ile memlu ve müzeyyen bir tarik-i me’mendir ve yolun nısf-ı şarkisi Kastamoni’ye tabi Zarı kazasından ve nısf-ı garbisi Bolı sancağına tabi olub hudud başıdır Gökbil dağı ve Karakoç karşusı ve derebaşı nam guhi mer’alar bizim dir ve bu Endüz karyesine ceddimiz seyyid Süleyman Sofi’nin Ovayüzü kazasında elyevm Sarıoğlu köyi ve Çelebiler dimekle maruf Sarı Sultan karyesinde hala Çıtır Hasan nam kimsenin sakin olduğu hane ve tarla ve çayırlar kendunin olub ve kati hoş ve birkaç çiftlik ve gulam ve cariyeler ile ma’mur iken ( boştur) senesinde diyar-ı Anadolu’da Celali ve eşirra zuhurile etraf vilayetleri harab iderek mal-i kesir me’muliyle üç bin kadar eşhas-ı bi edyan şebhun ve bulduklarının tarac etmek niyetine güruh-ı metruklarından (bir kelime okunamadı) oldukların ceddimiz Seyyid Süleyman haber almağla leyali muzlimede evlad ve iyalin birkaç katıra tahmil ve bu karyede ancak bir Topal Yusuf namıyle kimse olub anın yanına gelüb iyalin bırakub vurub ulu yaylak başında elyevm Celali aglağusu didikleri derbendde iki çam ağacı yıkub sed eyledikde Celali dahi gelüb karye-i mezbureyi garet ve bu kadar kitabı ihrak-ı binnar ve gulam ve cevarii yağma ve ihlak ve devvab ve mevaşıyi bilkülliye boğazlayub tebah itdikden sonra şeyhin isrince Endüz’e gelmek üzre niyyet idüb ol mahal-i sedde geldiklerinde Omança yani yıkılmış çam ağacı verasından birkaç Celali kurşun ile uruldukda bunlara hezimet tari olub firar itmeleriyle ceddimiz bu karyede gerçe mal itlak olunur şey yok ancak ırzile kalmakla ol Topal Yusuf’a bir mikdar akçe virüb
(Varak 323)
dört hissest kendüye ve bir hisse Topal Yusuf’a olmak üzre kavl ile tavattun idüb kendüden sonra Abdülkadir ve Ali Efendi ve Hüseyin Çelebi namında üç oğlu kalub Ali Efendi merhum olmağla Abdülkadir Çelebi ile Hüseyin Çelebi beş hisseden ikişer kendülerine beraber zabt idüb Topal Yusuf’un hissesi Karapınar karyesinden Ali Efendi’ye nakletmiş bu hılalde devlet-i aliye tarafından Tevkii Mustafa Efendi nam kimesne muharrir-i vilayet tayin olunub vardıkda Kastamoni sancağında sakin olub Kötürüm Beyazid padişahın ceddimize ihsan eyledüği kuraları ve Bolı tarafı mutasarrıfı tavayif-i mülukden Sarı Sultan karyesi in’am olan karyelerin birine itibar etmeyüb cümlesin rayet defterine kaydeyledikde bir gice füc’eten fevt olmağla yerine taraf-i osmani’den çavuş muharrir tayin olunub vardıkda müluk-i salife isrine salik olub kjarye-i Sarısultan ve Çeme nahiyesinde on sekiz kadar karye Ali Danişmend’e vakf ve yedlerinde ibka idüb Endüze geldikde taamlanub karyenin mutasarrıfı kimdir deyu sualde Seyyid Yahya silsilesinden Esseyid Hüseyin Çelebi deyu haber verdiklerinde istiaze iderek varub Timurdaş karyesinde Receb Çelebi’nin hanesinde iken ceddimiz Seyyid Süleyman Çelebi’ye haber virmişler katırına süver olub ardınca vardıkda Memi çavuş merhum karşu gelüb badelmuaneka Endüz çiftliği have ve ra’yet defterine dahil olmayub taraf-ı şehinşahiden şürefaye ihsan olunmuşdur deyu yedlerine memhur tezkire virüb sonra mucibince maliyeden ferman ve sultan Murad’dan balasına hat keşide kılınıb yedlerinde ibka olunmağla tezkere-i Memi Çavuş müsevvid yed-i fakirde mazbutdır ba’dez zemanın Abdülkadir ile Hüseyin Çelebiler dirliki demeyüb Abdülkadir Sınır nam karyeye nakl ve ceddimiz merhum Hüseyin Eflani’den Saçak nam karye sakinlerinden Ahmed nam suhta valid-i merhum Esseyid Bayram’a ve diğer oğlu Abdülkadir’e hace olmak üzere getürüb oğlu Mustafa’ya kızın virüb ve karındaşının yerlerin ana bildirmiş mürur-ı ezmanla bu halüzr emu tasarrıf iken bu fakir bin yüz kırk iki senesi hilalinde zayir-i valide-i müşfika eylediğimde topal Yusuf’dan Ali efendiye nakl-i hisse-i hane oğlu hatibden satun alub mucibince sipahi dahi tapu tezkeresin virüb tezkereleri elyevm karındaşımız Esseyid Halil’de ve hemcivarımız olub nısıf hisseye mutasarrıf olan Ahmed Beşe nam kimesnenin oğulları diyar-ı ahara naklitmekle çiftlik-i merhum eylevm biraderimiz zabtında olub pederimizden olan hisseden maada bizim akçemiz alduğumuzdan bize nef’i yok ve yedimizde mahfuz olan birkaç şecere ve hüccetlerde silsilenamemiz bu vech üzredir ki teberrüken zikrolunur Esseyid Bayram ibn Esseyid Süleymen ki bu karyeye nakliden budır elyevm bunda medfundır pederimiz Esseyid Bayram Temeşvar’dan gelürken Edirne’de merhum olub Mihal köprüsü başında medfundur ve Esseyid Hüseyin dahi bu karyede mefdun ve müzardır ibn Esseyid Mustafa ibn Esseyid Ömer ibn Esseyid Musa ibn Eşşeyh Muhiddin ibn Esseyid Muhammed ibn Esseyid Mahmud ibn Esseyid Oruç bey ibn Esseyid İbrahim ibn Esseyid Muhsin ibn Esseyid Bahşi bey ibn Esseyid Emrullah Gazi ibn Esseyid Celaleddin ibn Esseyid İsmail ibn Buhari ibn Esseyid Abbas ibn Esseyid Muhammed ibn Esseyid Ebutalib ibn Esseyid Ahmed Güllab, Esseyid Ahmed ibn Esseyid Derviş bin Esseyid Hüseyin ibn Esseyid İbrahim ibn Esseyid İmamülalem Musalkazım imamülhüman Bahrünnasır
fi 922 senesinde asitane-i sadetde nakib-ül eşraf olan Esseyid Muharrem bin Esseyid Süleyman imzalı hüccet ve şeceremiz vardır Cibal ve enhar ve ba’zılasar bu Ukus kazasının kıraç yer ve tarla ve çayırında ziyadesi guhi dağlar olub ekser mevazii senkistan ve vabis olmağla yaz günlerinde ekseri el değirmeni istimal iderler ve cibalinin çağu sa’bussüluk vessuud olmağla mer’a içün hayvanat dahi gezemez ve mahal-i mezarii çay kenarları olub mürtefi mahallerinde mürur ve ubur kabil değildir ve tarik caddeleri dahi ma’dud olmağla hariç ve dahil-i kazaya yaramaz ve levend makulesi gelüb kimesnenin zararında olamaz ahalisi keten işlerler ve keten bezi ve keten ipliği meta’ları vafir olur ve her cum’a güni pazarlarına rugan-ı sade ve ketan ve iplik getürüb bey’-ü şira iderler ve ketanı kendüler eküb mısır gibi terbiye idüb istimal iderler ve muzyaf ve müsafir dost ademleri olub herkesin haddine göre bir selamlık namına müsafir odası olur ve dahil-i hudud-ı kaza gayet emin olmağla kazanın ibtidasından intihasına varınca yalnız bir avter seyreylese bir kimse önüne çıkub müdahale etmez müddetülömür bu kazada müskiratdan bir şey müsta’mel değildir adet olmamış gayet eyü üzümü ve bağ bağçesi ve sair meyvesi olurken müskirata müteallik ameliyyatı bilmezler ve Timurtaş karyesi mukabelesi bir karyede tahtelarz bazı esatin-i ruham üzre ebniye-i kadime asarı vardır ve sınur kurbinde Ören nam mahalde kezalik ve bizim karyede Fındık pınarı tuğla ve kerpiç ile yapımlış ve Gökbil yolunda Kapaklı pınar ve ekser tarlalarda kiremid ve tuğla parçaları asar-ı bina-i kadimdir ve Bartın derbendinden kazaya dahil olunduğu Öreme nam karyenin şimalen fevkına havale olan cibal-i mürtefia giderek yekpare kesme kaya olub eflake ser çekmişdir diyar-ı Rum’da ol mertebe belater ve saab cebel ve kaya göründüğü yokdur (haşiye: ma’-i-müshil Örme kurbinde çaya müşrif ve sahre-i azimenin bir gediğinde bir tas memlu olacak kadar ab-ı reşha olub nuş olunduğu anda ishal idüb tenkiye-i dimağ ider acayib müshildir) derbend ağzında Ard kazasına varınca Ulus kazasının garb tarafından kazaya havale bir yüksek yalın kaya olub Suçıkduğu nam karyeye vasat bir kebir mağaradan bir su itilüb indüğü mahalli bir gadir-i kebir ve amik andan Gurkan camii kurbinden mürur ile derbend suyuna gider bir nehr-i kebirdir çıkduğu yerde yüz adem arzı olduğu mahallerde atla mürur olunsa suyı özenguye çıkar bir leziz ve şirin ve eyyam-ı sayfde sok (soğuk) sudur etrafına harklar ile su alub asiyah çarhlara vafirdir ve kezalik Endüz karyesi kurbinde Gökbil dameninden neb’eden pınarlardan değirmenlerin idare ider ve Karapınar karyesin cem’ olan sularda karyesinde cem’ olub Kestane karyesi tahtından cereyanla İldeş’e ve andan derbende gider her karyenin kendi başına değirmeni vardır ancak ekser kış günlerinde dönüb yazın sularına tenezzül gelmekle ekseri büket ile öğüdürler ve bazıları el değirmeni istimal iderler ve bu kazanın ab ve hevası gayet latif ve sağ olmağla avretleri hasna olur ve bu Kestane karyesi havalisi senksar ve olub ol sahrelerin küllisinden değirmen taşı kat’iderler ve su çıkduğu kurbinde kösre taşı madeni olub isteyen varub kat’ider ve Endüz karyesinden Gökbil’e suud olundukda tamam on saat mesafe iken Bahr-i siyah görinür andan cenub tarafına meyl ile tarik-ı cadde ile yine Endüz çiftliği karyesi muzafatından olan Çatak ve Küçükdüz ve Kalafatlıpınar nam yaylaya giderken Kurd bükü nam mahalde yolun sol tarafında cebelin zirve-i alasında bir pınar olub Karakoç ahalisi oluk ve çörte vaz’itmişler bir sudır ki
(Varak 325)
ömrümiz Rumili seferlerinde kutah oldu böyle bir ab-ı latif ve şirin görülmedi başında oturub her ne kadar taam eklidersen derakab hazm idüb yine taama iştiha gelür anın sağ tarafından Küçükdüz’e inülür ki sünbül-i taberi çok olur ve bu Çatak karyesi harab olmuş bir zemin-i humvarda vaki’ şükufezar yaylakdır ki misli nadirdiriki tarafı mürtefi küknar ve sanavberzar kuhsar-ı azimdir ki sayelerinde güneş olmaz kal’a dıvarı gibi iki tarafı sed idüb ortası zümrüd misal yeşil cimenzar ve vasatından bir nehir cari ve iki taraflarında buz payesine benzer pınar çağlayub akar ve alabalığı ve kunduzu çok olur bir yaylakdır Uluyaylak dimekle meşhur ve Ovayüzü ve Eflani ve Akçakise ve Dereköy karyeleri ayanı camus ineklerile yaylağa gelüb nefis kuzı kebabları ve kaymak ve höşmelim ile tenperverlik zevkin iderler dört saat kadar tulen bir yaylak olub dünyanın imareti vaktinde pazarı dururmış bazı asarı vardır ve nehr-i azim varub yaylanın garb tarafında Sığırini didikleri maağraya duhul idüb dağın bir buçuk saatlik öte yüzünden kapusından çıkub yarım saatlik yerde tahtelerza gavs idüb nebedid olur gider bu yaylakda lale ve sünbül ve nerkis ve sünbül-i taberi ve antola çiçeği ki, peygember düğmesi dinüb çayırlığında rayiha-i tayyibe-i ezhardan dimağlar muattar olub bu yaylağın iki tarafından bir vech ile mürur ve ubur kabil olmayub ancak ortasından gidilür ve eşcarı cümleden çam ve küknar ve bir gune bala ve bülend ardıç ve senksarlıkda himşir olub eşcar-ı meyve olmaz ve çilek ve böğürtlen gayet çok ve iri olur ceviz kadar çileği olur cennetten bir kıta zemindir bu yaylak Fi zikr-i bazı emakin-i müteberrike Ulus ve Ovayüzi ve Çöme nahiyesi hudutlarında kati vafir ziyaretgahlar olub kıymeti bilinmez etrak-ı biidrak elinde kalmışlardır ezcümle Ulus camii banisi Timurcu Hasan Baba Hazretleri ki dört yüz seneden mütecaviz yaptığı camiin timur bir mismaı yoğiken bir tahtası fena bulmayub dıvarında hilal (çöp) kadar bir inhiraf olunub mermer sütunları getürüb anda vaz’eyledüği ve dağdan kerestesin geyiklere çekdirdüği keramet-i bahiredir ve bizim divanın yani Dağ divanının Kozsahrınç camiini anların peder-i büzürkler olan şeyhi Mustafa efendi bina itmişdir ve Endüz karyesinden taraf-ı şimale doğru Gökbil çıkub Fındıcak fevkinden Sorkun nam karye muhazisine varıldıkda sağ tarafa Merer nam karyeye tarikin şak olduğu yerde bir pınar kurbinde sağ tarafda bir harman kadar düz sahne-i samma üzerinde iki ayak katır izi olub bir parmak tali kadar taşa gömülmüşdir ki nal ve mıh yerleri mevcud ve müşahaddir içine varak-ı eşcar dolmakla alem-i sabavetimizde yaprakların çıkarub parmağımızla mıh yerlerine nazar iderdik ve katır taşı dimekle meşhur olub ahalisinin zu’mu bir petgamber-i zişan üzerinden ubur itmekle na’l bagali ızhar-ı mu’cize içün eser etmişdir dirler ve biri dahi Endüz çiftliği mukabelesinde Göynükviran karyesi fevkinde bir bala bülend sarı topraklı bir mişezar depede Asarlık namıyle meşhur bir merkad olub umur-ı muazzama ve istiska içün varub dua iderler icabet ider mücerrebdir ve biri dahi Sarpçalort karyesinden sınura gelürken yolun kıble tarafında bir mahaldir ki meşhurdur ve biri dahi Endüz karyesinin eski mezarlığı acayib ve garayib haletler zuhur ider bir mezaristan-ı kadim olub evvel-i bahar ve mevsim-i ezharda elik didikleri hayvanın inekleri her sabah gelüb mezarlıkda olan ağaçların dibinde durırlar avcılar kurşun ile urmak murad eyleseler yeşil kaftanlu melek sima hatunlar anları sağar görünmekle terkiderler ve tazı ve kelb salıvirseler üzerine varmaz ve biri dahi Karakoç nam karyede uzun Hasan’ın evi ardında bir top küknarlık ki Receb-i şerif ve Şa’ban ve Ramazan aylarında ağaçların şahlarında İstanbuldsa leyle-i
(Varak 326)
iyd-i şerifde minarelerde olan zinet gibi kandiller firuzan görnür sebebi malum değil ve biri dahi Akçakise karyesinden Ovayüzü’nde ceddimizin imareti olan Sarıoğlu karyesine giderken yolun kıble tarafında bir guhistan arasında mahalli malum değil Depeziyaret dedikleri mevzi ki idraki oluna her mürur iden bir dürlü halet müşahede iderler Akçakise karyesinin karşu yakasında iki saatlik kadar bir mürtefi dağın başında olub her cuma gicesi ahali-i karye tevhid-i şerif ve devran iderler gibi dağın (bir kelime okunamadı) sedasını işidirler ve kahi anda dahi kandil şu’lesi görinür ve yaz hararetinde çobanlar dağa ateş virüb etrafı ihrak-ı binnar olur anın hududuna geldikde nar müntefi olur ve ol hududda ahşama kalan eshab-ı sebil tahteşşecere ikad-ı nar idüb giceler amma yolun türbe tarafından bir çürük ağaç almak mümkin değildir elbette bir mehib sada yahud eşkal-i acibe görinüb aldığı gusn (dal) ı remimi ilka ittirir ve biri dahi Çöme’de medfun olub ceddimizin ve Bursada emir Sultan hazretlerinin biraderleri Esseyid Ali Dabnişmend Hazretleridir ki Buhari semtinden terk-i diyar idüb gelüb bu kuhsarda bir pınar başında temekkün ve ol pınardan abdest alub ve varak-ı eşçar ile ahalisi zu’munda kırk sene kadar teayyüş idüb hayvanat-ı beyaban ile üns tutmışlar Kastamoni padişahı Kötürüm Beyazid bir muallele kerimesin gönderüb ağzı yarıla ilacpezir oldukda etrafında bulunan kuraları kendğüye vakf ve temlik gönderüb azim itikad itmişler ve elyevm ol hal ile ibka olunmuşdur merkad-i mutaharreleri küknar ağaçları sayesinde pınarın kenarında vaki olub sandukası çam tahtasından ve üzerinde yeşil yosun bitmiş bir mil kadar uzakdan baksan sim kaplu güneşe karşı görinür yanına varıldıkda yeşil yosun ve misk-i ezfer ve anberden a’ter rayiha-i tayyibe ile dimağ memlu ve muattar olu ve bir mil kadar etrafında nabit guhsarın her bir ağacı yeşil zümrüde benzer ve her birisine başka guya ki güllab (bir kelime okunamadı) saçmışlar ol mahalden her kim mürur iderse teaccübde kalur bir hasta şifadan meyus oldıkda mübarek ellerile meshider ol saat sagılub gider aksi dahi kezalik ve kendunun hizmetinde vakf olan karyelere vali tarafından kimse müdahale itmez bazı kimseler fevt olub raht-u besat ve kılınç ve tüfekden metrukesin varisinden rızasıyle satun alurlar yoksa cebren olmaz ve olursa sabaha çıkmaz meşhurdır ve biri dahi Çöme nahiyesinde bir cibal-i sahikanın zirvesinde etraf-ı erbaadan dört saatlik mesafe imaretten münkati’ bir guhistan-ı yabisede yalnız bir merkad ve kurbinde ahşabdan hucre olub suyı dahi ma’dum bir yabis mevzi’de ki Ballıdağ dimekle beynelahali meşhurdır bu türbeden her sene bir güne şahis gelüb temekkün ider her kimin bir müşkil işi olub dahi varır iken herifin adıyle çağırub var senin ol işin şöyle oldı yahayd olur diye cevab virir bu haber nedir ve ol şahıs anda neyle teayyüş ider ve biri gidüb biri dahi gelür ve ol sahib-i türbe kimdir malum olmamışdır ve bir acibi dahi ol yaylakda hacet emini didikleri mağaradır ki yaylakdan Ulusı asıldığı dağın damenine karib tarikın kıble tarafında yaylak suyunın inden çıkdığı yerin fevkınde bir oda kadar kudretden bir hucre olub fevkınde bir türbe varmış ancak saab olmakla çıkılmaz ve bu mağaranın içine girildikde bir tarafında taşlardan oldukça setr-i avret idecek bir mu’tesel bina olunmuş ve ortasında bir ağaç tekne durır aslen bir katre su yok giren besmele-i şerife yahud
(Varak 327)
kur’an-ı kerimmeüşşandan (bir kelime okunamadı) yahud hu dimekle vasat-ı tavandan katre katre ab rahşa iderek yarım masura kadar ab-ı kevser-i hoşguvar cereyana başlayub herkes götürdüği evani ve ol tekneden (bir kelime okunamadı) ittikde kat’ı ezkar idüb mu’tesil mebenada gasl idüb ve şifa içün içerler ve ibrik ve sair kablarıyle karyelerine götürüb teberrük içün herkes nus iderler vücudinde uyuz ve sızı ve sair emraza biiznillah-ı teala (bir kelime okunamadı) şifadır ve mağaraya dahil olanlar sükut itseler bir katre su görünmez zikrüllah olundukça gelüb kat’olundukda su dahi munkati olur bunun sırrı nedir malum olmamışdır bu ruz-ı hızır mevsiminde etrafdan kati vafir maraza gelüb sıhhat-i birle avdet iderler biri dahi bu yaylakda Kalkanlı pınarın fevkinde Bostancı oğlunun değirmeni muhazinde Karıncalı namında bir sanduka merkad olub tahtından bir pınar cereyan ider ve taşdan sandukada bir kufi yazu dahi vardır ancak okunmaz bunda dahi istiska içün gelüb kurbanlar idüb dua iderler hanelerine varmadın biiznillah-ı teala matar-ı kesir zuhur ider meşhurdır ve biri dahi Uluyayla’nın Pedil yaylası didikleri mahalden Ovayüzüğ’nde ceddimiz olub Valide-i merhumenin pederleri Nuh Bali’nin Toğça nam çiftliği üzerine varılan tarikin sağ tarafında yaylanın zirve-i alasında Ovayüzi kazasına nazır bir guhsar depenin üzerinde bir merkad-i mutahhare olur kiasar-ı nuraniyyet ve kuvvet-i kudsiyeleri te’sirinden harikulade alayimler zuhurinden bir peygamber-i celilüssan olduğu istidlal olunur selefde ceddimiz ol tarafları teşrif buyurduklarında kuvvet-i ruhaniyetlerinden istimdad etmeleriyle kendülerinden kati vafir keramat ve halat-ı garibeler zuhur itmişdir ezcümle kendüler Ova kazasının müntehasında ve bir karındaşı Eyyüb efendi kazasının aşağısında Çokman nam karyede tavattun idüb iki karye mabeyni dört saat kadar mesafe-i baide ve ikisi arasında cibal-i şahika ve guhistanlar var iken leyali-i muzlimede ceddimiz ebi Davud Monla Eyyüb deyu nida etdikde ol dahi buyurun deyu cevab virdikde birbiriyle muhavere ve muhataba eylediklerin beynelkaryeteyn sakin olanların mesmu olduğun birbirinden intikal ile hala nakliderler meşhurdır ve biri dahi büyük pederimiz Nuh Bali’nin hanesi mukabelesinde bir mişelü depede bir türbedir ziyaret olunur ve aşağı değirmeni kezalik mezaristana kadim olub bazı asar zuhur ider ve biri dahi aşağı tarafda Ova çayının sağ tarafında bir mamur türbe olub ziyaret iderler ve Çokman karyesinde ammi zadelerimiz tekyesi meşhurdır ki Çokman şeyhleri dirler İstanbulda Sultan Muhammed camii kurbinde Seyyid Ahmed Buhari Hazretlerinin türbedarları ve şeyhi olan merhum Abdulaziz Efendi ve karındaşı Abdülmü’min Efendi anların evladlarından olub elyevm ehl-i nefsden kimseleri kalmamışdır selefde şeyh merhumu geyiklerin gelüb ziyaret ederlermiş ve boynuzların anda bırakub giderlermiş elyevm tekye dıvarlarında kati vafir şah geyik avihte durur bir gün düğüncü gelin almağa giderken herifin biri tanbura çalarmış bunda şeyh yatur kat’eyle dediklerinde herif ölüden bana ne zarar gelecekdir dimekle tanburesi kucağında taş olmuş durur elyevm andan mürur idenler tabel ve zurna ve sair alat-ı lehvi terkiderler Ovayüzi altmış beş derece on dakika tul ve kırk bir derece kırk dakika arzda ortasından bir kebir çay akub iki tarafında karyeler ve hedayik ve besatini vafir ve gallezar ve ab-ı carileri kesir bir kaza olub taraf-ı kıbelesinde Ulus kazasına havale olan kaya misal bunda dahi bir bala ve mürtefikaya olub bu kaza guya ki bununla mahsurdır aşağı ucunda Borlıya gider bir saab tarik olub
(Varak 328)
vasatında Gezkaya ve müntehsına karib Kayabaşı namına üç geçidi olub gayri yerden ubur kabil olmayub bu Ovayüzi kazası abuhava cihetinden bir latif nahiyedir taraf-ı şarkisi Kastamoni sancağı hududıdır on kadar ma’mur karyesi olub Ovacuması kurbinde ceddimiz Nuh Bali karyesi ve Tuğla çiftliği ve çiftlikleri olub bu Karnı çiftliği Ukuyaylak boğazına muttasıl olub Kızılcık yaylası namında kendünin mahsus yaylağı vardır Bolı sancağında buna benzer çiftlik olmaz bundan bir mikdar dunca Karataş nam mahalle Masrafzade Elhac İbrahim Efendiçiftliği gayet güzeldir ve kaza müntehasında Talibler çiftliği selefde ceddimiz Esseyid Süleyman Sofi mutasarrıf iken fetretde emmizademiz Abdurrahman Çelebi’ye naklitmekle elyevm oğlu Esseyid Ali ağa zabtındadır Enhar: bu kazanın ekserinde latif ve leziz pınarlar olub cereyan hususen tahtel kayada ab-ı revanlar ile her tarafı ma’murdır Poyra dirler bir kayadan adem kadar bir su cereyan idüb oluğa akar ve kayaa başına giderken kaya tarafında cadde-i tarikde vafir çeşmelerden kat’-ı nazar uyuz oluğu didikleri su bir sahre-i sammanın surahdan çıkub cereyan ider ki Ağustos’da sancu götürür gayet soukdur ve Karataş’da Hacı Şaban oğlu çiftliğikurbinde tarik üzre bir masum bileği kadar su bir düz yerden bir arşun yukarı sıçrar ve Sarıoğlu karyesinden Akçekiseye gelürken İnönü’ne karşu yol üzre adem inciği kadar bir su yerden çıkub sim gibi cereyan ider ve anda bir mağara olub içerusi amik ve lal-ı mutalsem vardır deyun meşhurdır ve Sarıoğlu karyesinin kıble tarafında bir düz karye kurbinde yerden üç dört kamet insan kadar bir kayada taşdan sanduka olub üzerinde kilidi avihte olmuş aşikare görinür mutalsamdır dirler ve bu Ovayüzi kazasının vasatında cereyan iden çayın suyı eyyam-ı sayfde tenezzül bulub şitada geçit virmez Derbend ağzına varub Ulus nehriyle bir olub Bartın’a gider ve ekser kuralarında latif mürdüme eriği olub birkaç yerde bağı dahi vardır ancak meyvesi vafir ve gallesi vefret üzre olur ve Sarıoğlu karyesinden depe ziyarete giderken Muslıbey çiftliği kurbinde ribas vafir bulunur ve Çokman tekyesi mukabelesinde mazu şeceri dahi vardır altmış beş derece tul ve kırk bir derece yirmi beş dakika arzda Zerzene’ye muttasıl ve cenubda yedi pare karyelü bir kaza olub mahsuli kereste ve meyve ve galledir bunın kurbinde derbend boğazına karşu Kırkdağı namıyle olan cebelde bir sahreden kol kadar bir beyaz ab cereyan idüb uzakdan kükürd rayihası şem olunur ancak içmede taamında tegayyür yok ve kahveyi leziz idüb birkaç ahşabdan oluklar vaz’olunub kebir hacerleri ateşde kızdırub içine ilka ve sular sahin oldukda ılıca gibi içine girüb temam terledükde çıkub döşekde yatub dahi terler biiznillah-i teala cami emrazdan halas bulur gayet meşhurdır Ulus’dan ve sair yerlerden bazı ayan anda dükkanlar ve evler yapdırub bahar faslında varub bir eyyam ol suyun başında zevkiderler bir müferrah ve müşeccere yerdir ve anda bir mağara-i azime (haşiye: bu mağara hala Ulus kazasının yukaru tarafında halk beyninde Dırahna dimekle meşhurdur ki den galatdır ve elyevm mevcut bir mağaradır yoksa Derbend ağzında değildir) nakliderler ki gün görmez garı dinüb avamüsnas beyninde anda bir kavim sakin olub gün görseler ölürler gicelerde çıkub bazı zehayir ve levazım alurlar boğazın dahilinde bir zaman meskun olduğuna delalet ider büyut-ı menhuta-i müteaddide ve ma’-i cari ve çeşmeler ve enva’-i sanayi’ dekakini ve herkesin san’atına göre alatı mevcud olub cümle büyut ve dekakin taşdan
(Varak 329)
menhutdır ve taşdan tabutlar içinde emvat olub nerdübanlar ile suud olunur ve dahil-i garda yemin ve yesar tarik-i müteaddide olub yıl mumları ile bir kaçına süluk olunmuş iki gün ve iki gice girüb neticesine vasıl olunmamakla geruya avdet ile güçle taşra çıkmışlar ve zan ve tahmin iderler ki Kastamoni nahiyesinde Küre-i nühas dağları tahtına olasıya gide…”

Yaylakabad bahsinde, matbu’ Cinannüma’nın 623 üncü sahifesindeki malumata ilaveten şu satırlar kayıdlı bulunmaktadır.

(Varak 336)
“…İstanbul’da kireççi başı zabiti olub Ağustos’da mevsimi olmakla İstanbul’da on beş gün mukaddem dellallar nida idüb herkes rical ve nisadanvarub kenar-ı bahrde bir düz yerde olmağla haymelerle oturub ibtida-yi Ağustos’dan on beşine varınca ishal içün ahzolunan mai akındısı tarafına kavrayub kay içün murad olursa akındıya karşu ahz idüb vafirce içerler ve mufassal liynet ve amel idüb ekser marize şifa olur ve Ağustos’un on beşinden sonra bazı veca ve sızı içün zevraklar ile karşu yaylaya geçüb dağ hamamı didikleri bir kefere mande harab hisar kurbinde bir ılıca ve balçığı olmağla çamura girüb ve ılıcasında tathir olunurlar Yalva: altmış beş derece yirmi dakika tul ve kırk bir derece otuz beş dakika arzda bir kasaba ve kaza olub cami ve hamam ve han ve esvakı vardır ve kurb-i Yalva bin iki yüz elli üç senesinde Dergah-ı ali cebecibaşı Elhac İsmail Bey İnce Karamustafa ağa’dan iştira eyledüği çiftliğine bedel azl tavattun elli dört ve beş seneleri hilalinde mumaileyh İsmail Bey vefat eyledikde Darüssaade ağası Elhaç Başir ağa çiftliği kendüsınin çırağ-ı hassalarından Türkmen ağası Hacı Mustafa ağa’ya aldırub anda olan değirmen ocağına Basmacı İbrahim nam kimesne tavassutı ile Firengistan’dan üstad kağıdcılar getürüb kağıda mahsus su üzerinde timur dinkler yapdırub kağıd ihdas olunub üzerine Yalakabad deyu ketebe ve tarihin resmetmişlerdir ve hilal-i müsvedde ki bin yüz altmış iki senesi Cemaziyelevveli’nin avahiridir enva’ kağıd işlenüb kefere eşkalile esnafa virilür malum değildir mesela keferede arslan damga kağıd memduh idi bunda dahi ol şekli icad ile kağıd nerenin olduğu malum olmayub esnafa furuht olunur ve keyfiyet-i san’atı İstanbul’da eskici Yehud taifesinin cem’eyledikleri köhne kirpasın kıyyesi sekizer akçeye kağıt emini olan yazıcı-i sabık Ali Efendi’ye virüb ol dahi mahalline gönderüb vardıkda ol tuç dibekde kirpası döğerek ve sahi su ile pak olub bir beyaz yoğurd gibi köpük
(Varak 337)
sunun üzerine suud idüb alub hıfzider vakt-i hacetde bir ağzı vasi fuçunun içine bir mikdar koyub su ile karışdırdıkda yoğurd ayranı gibi bir cevher olur büyük ve küçük kağıdına göre telden kalbur misalinde çar köşe örülmiş kasnağı ol suya gavs idüb yukaru kaldırdıkda suyı telden aşağı fuçuya akub ol kalıb gibi telden kasnak üzerinde beyaz zar misal kalan şey-i keçe parçaları üzerine vaz’idüb suları çekildikde birbiri üzerine aralıkda aba ve keçeler ile yığılmış tamam suları kalmadıkda sırıklara sererler lakin buna yazu yzılmaz zira seyrek ve şffafdır sonra mahsus kaynamış paça suyı içinde şeb ile terbiyeli suya batırub tekrar kurıdub kavi ve tunç mengenelere sıkdırırlar andan sonra gönderüb bey’olundukda kağıdcılar mühreldirler bu eczalarda merkum olan kağıd dahi bizim Yalakabad kağıdhanesinde işlenen kağıdlardandır Devlet-i Osmaniye’de ol kağıd karhanesi yoğıdı elyevm vardır Allah-u taala zeval ve kederden emin eyleye…”